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Mr. WILLIAMS. Mr. Speaker, on Monday, our Commander in Chief admitted that, in the fight against the Islamic State, the U.S. does not have ``a complete strategy.''
It is hard to believe that it has been 1 year since the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria--ISIS, ISIL, or whatever you want to call them--began making headlines in American newspapers. It is hard to believe that it has been nearly 1 1/2 years since the Director of the Defense Intelligence Agency told members of the Senate Armed Services Committee that it was ``likely ISIL will attempt to take territory in Iraq and Syria.''
But it goes back even farther. In January 2014, the U.S. Ambassador to Iraq said the Islamic State is ``capable of taking and holding ground and causing a lot of trouble.'' In November 2013, a State Department official testified before a House Foreign Affairs subcommittee and specifically cited the ineffectiveness of Iraq's military.
Then Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Iraq and Iran said: ``ISIL has benefited from a permissive operating environment due to inherent weaknesses of Iraqi security forces.''
Mr. Speaker, all of these warnings occurred after Iraq's Prime Minister made an appeal to President Obama to help defeat the growing threat to his country. That was 2 years ago; so here we are.
In June 2015, the leader of the free world tells an international conference in Austria that the United States does not have a complete strategy to defeat an enemy he once called a JV squad. Well, that JV squad is responsible for the horrific murders of American citizens.
That JV squad has overtaken territory fought so hard for by American troops, territory that nearly 4,500 American servicemen and -women died to protect in the most violent battles witnessed by U.S. troops since the Vietnam war. That JV squad waves black flags while driving stolen military equipment through streets where Americans made the ultimate sacrifice.
From overlooked redlines to bypassed deadlines, the Obama administration will serve as a case study in how not to conduct foreign policy for future world leaders.
Today, the President wants us to believe that his administration's negotiations with Iran are in Israel's best interests. Ironically, Israel's Prime Minister made a direct appeal to the American people expressing the contrary.
This past March, Prime Minister Netanyahu petitioned Congress from the podium right behind me because he, like so many, has lost faith in the abilities of our Commander in Chief.
He is right; he is right to be skeptical about the State Department's ``trust above all else'' policy with Iran, whose leaders have publicly proclaimed their desire for Israel to be wiped off the map. Mr. Netanyahu has rightly questioned America's once unwavering commitment to his homeland, Israel--our partner, our ally, but, most importantly, our friend.
As I have said before, for those who do not believe in the United States' moral obligation to protect Israel, I remind them about the United States' strategic obligation. Israel benefits from a secure America, just as America benefits in having a secure, stable, and trustworthy ally in a very volatile and dangerous region of the world.
The Obama administration's inability to realize this twofold bond between the United States and Israel illustrates their lack of understanding. I suggest to the President and his advisers that, if they really want to salvage any remaining trace of foreign policy competence for their history books, they walk away from this deal.
I urge our President to pause and reflect on America's role in the world. Mr. Speaker, I urge him to reassess our courses of action abroad. The President must start by determining what is important for America. Only then will he be capable of developing a strategy, let alone the right one.
In God we trust.
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