Mr. DURBIN. Mr. President, over the years I have come to the floor to raise the plight of political prisoners being held around the globe. These have included journalists, activists, bloggers, musicians, and opposition candidates who all had the misfortune of landing in an autocrat's jail for exercising or advocating for basic freedoms that most of the world takes for granted.
Many of these cases are ones that have received little attention or are not in the world's media spotlight, including: Gambian journalist Ebrima Manneh, who has been held incommunicado since 2006 and probably has died in detention; Vietnamese blogger Dieu Cay, who was jailed for 12 years for anti-state propaganda and is in poor health due to a hunger strike amid his president's recent visit to Washington; Saudi blogger Hamza Kashgari, who was grabbed off a plane in Malaysia while fleeing for his safety and returned to Saudi Arabia to face charges of blasphemy; Turkmen political dissident and human rights activist Gulgeldy Annaniyazov, who has been in jail since 2008; and Belarusian opposition candidate Mikalai, who was thrown in jail for having the temerity to run against his country's strongman, President Lukashenko.
Many of my colleagues here have helped with these efforts, including 11 other Senators who recently joined in a letter to Uzbek President Karimov asking for the release of activist Akzam Turgunov and journalists Dilmurod Saidov and Salijon Abdurakhmanov.
Others have also championed the cause of political freedom around the world, including Senators MCCAIN and CARDIN, who have been leaders in trying to hold our Russian friends to a higher standard of political and human rights freedom.
In fact, Senator Cardin was tireless in his effort to pass the Magnitsky law--a law that I supported--that tried to bring about some measure of accountability regarding the death of Russian lawyer Sergei Magnitsky, who was jailed after exposing official corruption and later died from mistreatment while in custody.
I have also watched with great dismay the deterioration of democracy and human rights in Russia.
A few years ago I had the chance to speak to the Lithuanian Parliament on that country's--the country of my mother's birth--20th anniversary of independence from the Soviet Union. One of the other speakers on that memorable occasion was Russian democrat small ``d'' democrat--Yuriy Afanasyev.
Many probably did not realize or have forgotten that during those heady days in the early 1990s a number of countries--such as Lithuania--were early in declaring independence and, as a result, helped change history in Eastern Europe.
And who helped support many such efforts?
Russian democrats in the streets of Moscow--the same ones who were also instrumental in bringing a transition to democracy in their own country.
Afanasyev was just such a Russian. He helped lead large public protests in Moscow during the January 1991 crackdown against Lithuania's independence movement.
That is why I find myself so saddened by what is happening in Russia today--the systematic state-sponsored harassment and dismantling of those Russian citizens and organizations that are still hoping for a democratic and free Russia so many years later.
Just 2 weeks ago, the Russian government tried and convicted popular opposition leader and candidate for mayor of Moscow Alesksei Navalny on charges that had already been thrown out as baseless after a local investigation.
If his conviction is upheld, he will be banned from public office for life.
Navalny's case is just one of a long list of politically motivated charges and actions in recent years used to squash any criticism of the Russian government or those who might want to run for political office:
A few weeks ago, hundreds of protesters were detained by Russian Interior Ministry personnel when protesting Navalny's dubious conviction--a fate met by scores of nonviolent protesters in recent years;
As of March of this year, the Russian Federal Security Service accompanied by tax enforcement and other government personnel has raided thousands of NGOs across Russia, seizing documents and interrogating staff--all in an orchestrated intimidation campaign;
Opposition leader Boris Nemtsov has been arrested multiple times for peacefully protesting government policies;
Deputy editor-in-chief of Russian newspaper Novaya Gazeta Sergei Sokolov fled Russia after the chief federal investigator took him into the forest and threatened to decapitate him;
Doctor of Political Sciences at Kuban State University Mikhail Savva, who was a member of the that region's Public Oversight Committee and an outspoken voice against corruption was arrested in April and has been held without bail on flimsy charges;
Leader of For Human Rights, Lev Ponomaryov, a prominent human rights advocacy group in Moscow, was kicked and beaten during a forceful eviction of his organization from their headquarters. The assault was carried out by men dressed in civilian clothing, but was observed by riot police officers;
Lastly--and very symbolic of the hundreds arrested at recent protests--human rights activist Nikolay Kavkazsky was arrested last year at his home for allegedly hitting a policeman during a protest although an independent investigation implies he was in fact dodging blows from a policeman.
Let me take a moment to pause and mention an extraordinary story and photo from the Washington Post of Russian schoolteacher Marina Rozumovskaya, standing alone in front of Moscow City Hall in the freezing Russian winter in January of 2011.
In the photo she is holding an 8 by 11 inch sign that said ``Freedom to political prisoners'' in response to the arrest and jailing of a prominent opposition leader who had criticized the Russian government.
Watching and waiting for her to break the law across the street in the 10 degree weather were a dozen or so Russian police officers.
This brave schoolteacher told the Washington Post, ``If you don't exercise your rights as a citizen, nothing will ever change.''
The Russian government has also used almost paranoid legislation to restrict Russian human rights and election monitoring organizations from doing their work.
For example, in March of 2013, Russian officials raided the offices of hundreds of non-governmental organizations, including Amnesty International.
Equally troubling, Russia's largest elections watchdog GOLOS, and its executive director Lilia Shibanova, were fined for failing to register as a ``foreign agent,'' even after receiving the prestigious Sakharov Prize by the Norwegian Helsinki Committee and rejecting the monetary portion of the award.
Russia has also passed draconian laws that include fines equivalent to an average annual salary for taking part in unsanctioned protests, stiffer libel penalties, a broader definition of treason, and restrictions on websites--laws that former Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev has denounced as an ``attack on the rights of citizens.''
Earlier this year Gorbachev also warned Russian President Putin ``not to be afraid of his own people.''
Remember Sergei Magnitsky, the Russian who tried to draw attention to massive police and tax fraud who died in Russian custody? He was convicted a few weeks ago of perpetrating fraud himself--4 years after he died.
After what many brave Russian democrats did for countries such as Lithuania and others breaking free from the Soviet Union, we owe it to speak up for those who are fighting for basic political freedoms today in Russia.
These endless show trials are not for criminals or foreign agent organizations. They are not worthy of a great nation.
These are petty attacks on patriotic Russians who want the freedom to peacefully criticize and improve their government, to run for office, to have clean elections, and to have an independent judiciary that is not used to quash political opponents.
The Russian people--our friends--deserve better than to have such aspirations so brazenly and so shortsightedly repressed.