Supporting Sanctions on Iran

Floor Speech

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Mr. CORNYN. Mr. President, back in October 2012, two Iran experts at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies wrote a sobering article about the Iranian nuclear program. They concluded that, despite years of international and unilateral sanctions, Iran's economy had been allowed to remain healthy enough to leave a vanishingly short period of time for sanctions to do the work that might possibly head off military action.

Seven months have passed since that article was written, and over that period of time the following things have happened: The Iranians have upgraded their biggest uranium enrichment plant. The head of the International Atomic Energy Agency has found credible evidence that Tehran has secretly been pursuing nuclear weapons technology. The United States renewed sanction waivers for countries that import substantial amounts of Iranian oil. President Obama installed a harsh critic of Iran sanctions as his Secretary of Defense. The Iranians have continued to prop up Syria and its dictator Bashar Asad and transport dangerous weapons to Hezbollah as well.

In short, the Iranians are feeling emboldened, America's credibility is being tested, and time is running out. For these reasons, I am a proud cosponsor of S. Res. 65, which would send a clear message we are determined not just to contain Iran but to prevent the Iranians from acquiring a nuclear weapon.

It would also send a clear message the United States will stand with Israel if our democratic ally is forced to take military action in legitimate self-defense.

I would also add that I have joined my colleague from Illinois Senator Kirk in introducing a separate bill, the Iran Export Embargo Act, which would further expand U.S. sanctions by prohibiting companies from doing business with any entity that is owned or controlled by the Government of Iran.

More specifically, our bill would prohibit all export-related transactions conducted on behalf of Iranian Government entities, and it would block their assets.

One final point. The Iranians are not just waiting to see how we beef up sanctions, they are also waiting to see how we respond to Syria's apparent use of poison gas. After all, President Obama famously warned the Asad regime that deploying chemical weapons would be tantamount to crossing a red line. Yet the White House is walking back its red line comments and issuing retroactive qualifiers.

We can be sure the mullahs are taking notes, and we can be sure the outcome of the Syrian civil war will help determine the outcome of the Iranian nuclear crisis.

I yield the floor.

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