Issue Position: Defense

Issue Position

Our role and leadership in the world matters: America is the lone superpower in an increasingly interconnected and interdependent world. Along with that awesome and unprecedented power comes responsibilities to humankind and to the planet itself. America's reason for maintaining her superpower status must be to export the best of our democratic system of governance and the hope of the American Dream to the rest of the world. But these cherished ideals can't be exported through force. We must teach and lead by example.

Consequently, being a superpower involves more than having the most powerful military in the world. We cannot be the most powerful nation on earth by having the best weaponry, if the people's needs are neglected. Nor can we lead by example until we recommit to the basic values of peace, human rights and freedom.

We must recognize that many of the challenges we face as a nation are global in nature, and that America cannot run from those challenges, nor can we tackle them alone. Teaching by example means modeling the behaviors we want others to emulate. We must respect the rule of law. We must respect civil rights and liberties and we must advance equality of opportunity.

We must stand firmly for human rights renouncing in all circumstances torture, assassinations and kidnappings as political tools, illegal detention, cruel and unusual punishment and the death penalty.

The United States of America must renounce the doctrine of preemption, once again promising the world that we will work to build a world of peace where, in the words of President John F. Kennedy, "the weak are safe and the strong are just."

If we want other nations to work cooperatively to address our world's threats, challenges and conflicts, we must do the same. We must build up institutions that draw on the input and resources of all nations to solve our global problems. We must act collaboratively.

Burma:
After Cyclone Nargis devastated much of Burma and left more than 130,000 people dead or missing in May 2008, the human rights situation in this country deteriorated. In the days after the cyclone hit, Burma's isolationist regime delayed the entry of United Nations planes delivering medicine and rejected the United States' offer of assistance.

I believe the U.S. must continue to highlight the terrible human rights abuses occurring in Burma, including torture, forced labor, arbitrary arrest, child labor, rape and murder. I support the full range of U.S. sanctions against the ruling regime unit until it ends human rights abuses. I am proud of the efforts of activists throughout the United States and the world to draw attention to the plight of the Burmese people, and especially proud that the Free Burma Coalition had its roots in Wisconsin.

Colombia:
I am very concerned about the human rights situation in Colombia. Years of civil war, anti-drug efforts, and state sanctioned repression have resulted in more than 1.6 million displaced persons, many of them children. Paramilitary death squads and revolutionary guerrillas have led to an escalation of violence over the past decade. The unwillingness of the Colombian government to prevent a paramilitary campaign of violent repression has left the average Colombian with few options for security and a decent livelihood. I traveled to Colombia in 1993 to see the situation first hand. It was clear that U.S. military aid and equipment that was intended to fight drug traffickers was being misused to suppress political opposition.

Colombia is a top recipient of U.S. foreign aid after Israel and Egypt. In spite of this aid, the Colombian government has made no serious efforts to disband right-wing paramilitary groups. Aid to Colombia must be directed to address the humanitarian crisis, the economic crisis, and to support democratic accountability. I believe that our military aid only results in more violence in Colombia.

I will continue to work closely with Colombian human rights activists, like the Madison-based Colombia Support Network, to develop a sensible U.S. policy in Colombia. We need a policy focused on helping the people, not escalating the violence. I will oppose additional military aid under the current circumstances.

Cuba:
U.S. policy of isolating Cuba is a relic of the Cold War that is doing little to create political change, but clearly is causing continued hardship for the people of Cuba. With almost 45 years of isolation, we are not closer to achieving our policy objectives. As a member of the bipartisan Congressional Cuba Working Group, I believe it is in the best interest of the United States and the Cuban people to increase our educational, economic, and political contacts. Although the Obama Administration has announced some easing of travel restrictions, most Americans are still prohibited by U.S. law from traveling to the island. I believe we need to engage in a comprehensive review of our nation's policy toward Cuba and evaluate other approaches. In addition, I have voted to reverse U.S.-Cuba travel restrictions and lift the embargo.

Darfur:
Despite numerous peace agreements and resolutions, the humanitarian crisis in Darfur has continued to worsen. Thus far, as many as 300,000 Darfurians have been killed, and more than 2.7 million have been displaced -- with the majority of victims being women and children. A number of humanitarian operations have also been attacked and disrupted, leaving millions of people without access to basic assistance. In addition, years of intensifying conflict between the Sudanese army, its Janjaweed militias, and the growing number of rebel factions, has spread the conflict to areas of Chad, the Central African Republic, and Sudanese states to the east of Darfur.

I believe that the United States, in conjunction with the U.N., must make greater strides to bring the crisis to an end, and I have continually supported efforts aimed at achieving this goal. I supported legislation calling on the U.N. Security Council to approve a trained and adequate Darfur peacekeeping mission; emergency appropriations increasing funding of the African Union peacekeepers; and legislation directing the President to block the assets of, and deny visas and U.S. entry to, any individual associated with acts of genocide, war crimes or crimes against humanity in Sudan. I will continue to support efforts to end the atrocities and provide humanitarian assistance to the people in Darfur.

Defense Spending:
We now spend just shy of a million dollars a minute, 24 hours a day, 365 days a year on defense spending. Not only is our current defense budget a record, it also is nearly as large as the defense budgets of every other country in the world combined. According to estimates by the Center for Arms Control and Nonproliferation, the United States spent more on defense in 2007, the most recent year for which complete data is available, than the next 14 highest spending countries in the world combined.

I take very seriously my oath of office that obligates me to provide for the protection of the American people. Ensuring our common defense is critical, but like other federal government programs, we are bound to ensure that each dollar is spent wisely. There are many elements of the defense budget that consume massive budgetary resources but provide little return in terms of security. Protecting America requires a broad vision of national security that includes diplomacy, foreign assistance, economic development, intelligence, and immigration policy. Particularly after more than seven years of war, I believe that U.S. defense policy should reflect sensible spending, clear priorities, and genuine oversight over the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan.

International Adoptions:
On April 1, 2008, the United States became a full member of the Hague Convention on Intercountry Adoption. As a result, the Convention now governs intercountry adoptions between the United States and the more than 70 countries that have already joined. The United States works with member countries to ensure that adoptions are based on what is best for the child, and to prevent the abduction, sale of, or trafficking of children.

I am deeply concerned about the potential problems facing individuals seeking to adopt orphaned children from countries that are not members of the Hague Convention. I fully support dialogue at the highest levels to assist these countries in moving forward to establish a Hague-compliant adoption system that will be in the best interest of orphaned children.

Iran:
Iran has long been subject to U.S. economic sanctions, and more recently, to United Nations sanctions, over its uranium enrichment program and purported support for terror activities. However, since 2000, Iran has enjoyed broad-based economic growth, largely due to their economy's dependence on the production and export of crude oil. Even though the United States' economic relationship with Iran is quite limited, the U.S. does have a key interest in Iran's relations with other countries. As some European countries have curbed trade and investment dealings with Iran, other countries, such as China and Russia, have emerged as increasingly important economic partners.

While I feel that any threat imposed by Iran must be addressed swiftly and skillfully, I believe that it is vital our country first employ diplomatic, not militaristic, measures. The debate over how to respond to the threats posed by Iran will be critical to our nation's future and our relationships with our allies and other countries.

President Obama has said his Administration shares the goals of the previous Administration to contain Iran's strategic capabilities and regional influence. However, I have been pleased that President Obama has attempted to achieve these goals through expanded diplomatic engagement as opposed to the pursuit of a preemptive militaristic strategy.

Laos and the Hmong:
The Hmong have been stalwart allies of the U.S. since the Vietnam War, when many Hmong fought alongside U.S. soldiers and were a vital part of the war effort. Their bravery was unsurpassed and they have remained our allies since. After the war and the formation of the Communist government in Laos, the Hmong were persecuted by the Laotian government largely because of their assistance to the U.S. during the war. Such circumstances have caused Hmong from persecuted communities to seek refuge and asylum in other nations. Of grave concern to me are the Hmong refugees in Thailand who are in imminent danger of being forcibly repatriated to Laos. According to a humanitarian organization working at the refugee camp, the Thai government has been involuntarily sending Hmong refugees back to Laos since 2005. This is simply unacceptable. These refugees deserve to be protected in Thailand until they can be resettled in a different country.

As you are likely aware, approximately 170,000 Hmong currently reside in the United States in such areas as Wisconsin, Minnesota, and Rhode Island, and approximately 270 Hmong refugees have resettled so far in Dane County. Many Hmong-Americans have family members who are still in Southeast Asia who are currently in Thai detention facilities awaiting resettlement.

I believe that the United States must remain committed to recognizing the service of the Hmong people and providing a safe haven for Hmong refugees. I will continue to support efforts to address violence against members of the Hmong community in Laos and Thailand.

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