Motion To Instruct Conferees On H.R. 2194, Iran Refined Petroleum Sanctions Act Of 2009

Floor Speech

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Mr. HOYER. I thank my friend of some 45 years, the chairman of the committee, for yielding. And I want to, before I start my remarks, say that I agree with him with respect to his observations regarding the Obama administration's efforts that are bearing positive fruit with respect to our allies around the world. We are not where we need to be and they are not all allies, but they certainly are partners in responding to this threat to the international community.

We know what a grave danger a nuclear Iran would pose to America's security, to our ally Israel's security, and, indeed, to the security of the international community. That is why Mr. Berman and Ms. Ros-Lehtinen reported out a bill. That is why we passed a bill. That's why the Senate has passed a bill. And now it's time to go to conference. It's time to resolve the differences that exist and send a clear and unmistakable message.

The dangerous consequences of inaction range from a fierce regional arms race to a nuclear umbrella for terrorism, to the unthinkable. With American and international security at stake, Iran's nuclearization is a grave proximate threat and cannot stand. That is why the United States must do everything in its power, Mr. Speaker, to stop Iran's nuclear pursuit.

Through years of diplomatic silence, Iran's nuclear program grew. President Obama took a course of patient engagement. And while Iran's unwillingness to negotiate in good faith has been exposed to the world, it has grown even closer to its goal. Today, the International Atomic Energy Agency feels that Iran has enough low-enriched uranium for two nuclear bombs.

So time is of the essence. By proceeding with this motion, Congress moves closer to the imposition of sanctions that will hit the Iranian economy at its weakest points: its banking system, the Revolutionary Guard Corps, and the refined petroleum Iran depends upon.

I support, strongly, this motion, knowing full well that sanctions are never a perfectly precise instrument and that they may mean hardship for ordinary Iranians who already suffer under the repressive regime in Iran. But I support sanctions nonetheless because they can work when the international community recognizes that an outlaw nation poses a common threat to us all, a case that President Obama and Secretary Clinton are making persuasively, as was the point of the chairman of the committee, to our fellow Security Council members and a case that the administration continued to make at this month's nuclear security summit. An extraordinary summit, I might add, of historical precedence, where 47 nations from around the world came here to Washington to meet together, including the President of China, to say that nuclear proliferation poses a danger to all, not just to a single nation, not just to a regional group of nations, but to all.

I support sanctions because Tehran can choose, at any time, to negotiate in good faith and set aside its aggressive nuclear pursuit. And I support sanctions because when properly designed, they can be a source of powerful pressure on the Iranian regime, pressure both external and internal.

As Britain's Telegraph newspaper reported on Monday, ``there is now increasing resentment that Iran's once popular nuclear program could be distracting from more urgent needs in the face of economic mismanagement and sanctions. Far from resenting the U.S.-designed sanctions, Iranians blame the slowdown on their own government.

`` `Nuclear energy is something that I supported, but why go about it in this way?' asked an Iranian citizen Zori Baghi, a pensioner and father of two.'' He went on to ask, `` `If it is legitimate, then why are we suffering for it in this way? If it's not legitimate, then do it in the right way or give it up. We're paying too heavy a price,' '' so said an Iranian citizen about that country's nuclear ambitions.

It is my belief, my colleagues, that if smart sanctions take effect, more and more Iranians will come to the same conclusion and so, hopefully, will the Iranian regime. Sanctions will show the regime that its embrace of nuclear proliferation carries a cost that is far too high. We cannot expect a change of heart from Tehran, but we can demand a change of behavior.

My colleagues, this action is timely and perhaps past time, but it is always timely to do the right thing, to speak up, to act, and to encourage our allies as well and our partners and our fellow citizens in this globe to act in a way that will protect them and protect our international community.

So I rise in strong support of this motion to go to conference and the motion to instruct, and I thank my chairman for his leadership on this issue. He is working both to have effective action taken by the Congress and to assist the administration in reaching the objective in as positive a way as is possible.

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