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Mr. WYDEN. Madam President, even though America has the best doctors and the best nurses, our Nation spends too much on health care for what it gets. Because the problem in American health care will not cure itself, I rise in support of this motion to proceed to beginning the debate about how to fix American health care.
Before I lay out the many provisions in Majority Leader Reid's bill that constitute real reform, I wish to talk for a couple of minutes about how the Senate can come together, Democrats and Republicans, to fix American health care. I have had a chance to visit with almost every Member of the Senate in their office on this issue, to listen to them, and it is very clear to me that both Democrats and Republicans have valid points. I believe my party is absolutely right in saying you cannot fix American health care unless all Americans get good quality, affordable coverage. If you don't cover everybody with that kind of coverage, what happens is those who are uninsured shift their bills to the insured folks who are already getting shellacked, and there is an underemphasis on prevention. So my party is right that to fix this, we have to offer all Americans secure, quality, affordable coverage.
I think colleagues on the other side of the aisle have valid points as well. They focus on the need for marketplace forces, for choice, for competition. I subscribe to each of these principles as well.
I think many believe it is an absurd fantasy that before the Senate completes its work on this legislation, the Senate could actually come together, Democrats and Republicans. I simply don't share that view. Let me be clear: It is my intent when this bill gets to the floor to work very closely with Majority Leader Reid and with all of our colleagues to finally break through, to get beyond some of the polarization, the near brawling we have seen in townhall meetings where folks sit in opposite sections depending on their political points of view. That is not the American way to face big challenges. This certainly is such a challenge.
I believe fixing the economy and fixing American health care are two sides of the same coin. We can't spend more than 16 percent of our gross product on health care, spot our foreign competition hundreds of millions of dollars a year, and have enough money left over to focus on education, transportation, and domestic needs. The reason so many Americans don't see their take-home pay go up is because health care gobbles up all the costs in sight. So this is certainly a big enough challenge that it demands that the Senate get beyond the fighting--near brawling--about this subject across the land. On the basis of the conversations I have had with colleagues, I continue to believe the Senate can break through and produce a bipartisan bill, working with Senator Reid, working with colleagues on both sides of the aisle.
In terms of the real reforms that are in Senator Reid's bill, some of the most important have to do with the delivery system--the way American health care is essentially experienced across the land. The fact is that today's delivery system essentially rewards inefficiency. Payments are based on volume rather than quality. In my part of the country, we have plans like Kaiser and Group Health, and we have actually been in the forefront of trying to move away from a system that rewards inefficiency, rewards volume. What we have shown is that changing these incentives pays off. People can be healthier and America can do it for less money.
Senator Reid's bill begins to move in the direction of what we have been doing in our part of the country for some time. His bill promotes what are called accountable care organizations. There are also changes in reimbursement. Probably folks on Main Street are not familiar with what is called ``bundling.'' In effect, instead of paying for each specific service, under bundling there is essentially one payment to reward trying to deliver care in an integrated fashion.
We have been able to have included in the legislation incentives to care for folks at home. The majority leader included a version of the bill I introduced called the Independence at Home Act that is backed by many colleagues on the other side of the aisle, and many Democrats as well.
When we think about the challenges of American health care going forward, we certainly ought to agree it makes sense to deliver more good quality, affordable care at home, rather than forcing the sickest Americans to spend a big chunk of their day fighting through traffic simply to get to a doctor's office, and we have the technologies, we have the trained physicians and nurse practitioners to offer these kinds of services at home. I highlight the fact that this is real reform, it is in Senator Reid's bill, and Republicans and Democrats alike are behind it.
The majority leader makes a number of long overdue changes in the private health insurance market. In many respects, today the private health insurance system is simply inhumane. What we have is a system that rewards cherry picking; where the private insurance companies take only the healthy people and send the sick people over to government programs more fragile than they are. What we need is a very different system where the private insurance companies compete on the basis of price, benefit, and quality, and not who is the best at selecting out the good risks.
Senator Reid's bill does away with the unconscionable practice of pre-existing condition exclusions and the practice of rescission where the insurance companies abruptly drop coverage for the sick. The bill also does away with charging a person more simply because they are sick, because they are a woman, or because they work in a high-risk job.
These are very constructive insurance reforms. We are going to try to build on those as we go forward in the legislation. Colleagues should make no mistake about it: The insurance changes in Senator Reid's bill are very real reform.
I wish to focus for a few minutes, though, on what I think is the great promise of this legislation for health care in the future. Since World War II, there has essentially been no market for American health care. Back in the days of wage and price controls, we didn't have a way to get good health care to Americans and we simply said we will put it on the backs of employers. They were patriotic citizens then, like there are patriotic citizens now, and they said, We will figure out how to do it. We are going to have to pass on the costs in the form of higher prices for goods and services. That probably made sense back then. We had people essentially work at a job for 20 or 25 years, and after their last day at work they got a gold watch and a dignified retirement. Today, there is a very different economy. The typical worker changes their job 11 times by the time she is 40. She needs a different set of health care choices. She needs the opportunity to be empowered to go into the marketplace to hold insurance companies accountable and to get more value for her health care dollar. The majority leader in his bill lays the foundation for this kind of system.
He establishes a system of what are called health insurance exchanges. They are kind of like farmers markets for health insurance. Senator Reid has improved this so that these farmers markets, these exchanges, could only let in good-quality plans, and under Senator Reid's bill, it will be possible to more easily compare the plans in these exchanges. This is something I have been interested in for years, really going back to the days when I was co-director of the Oregon Gray Panthers, because I think it is simply bizarre that it is possible in other parts of American life--in a Costco store or any other big store--to compare products, look at alternatives, have a measure of uniformity, and not have that in American health care.
What Senator Reid's bill does is set the foundation for a marketplace so that health care in 2009 will be dramatically different than it was, say, 60 years ago, in 1949, when I was born. I don't see anybody outside the Capitol driving a car from 1949, but much of American health care still resembles the middle of the last century. Senator Reid, through his legislation, lays the foundation for modernizing that.
I would like to see more people in these new marketplaces, the exchanges, more quickly. Under the estimates we have been given, only about 10 percent of our population would be able to enjoy the fruits of real choice and real competition. Real choice and real competition in that marketplace is the path to holding premiums down. My goal in the years ahead is to allow every consumer--every consumer, for example, in New York and Oregon--to be able to deliver an ultimatum to their insurance company. That ultimatum should be: Treat me right or I am taking my business elsewhere. It is that simple. That is the way we do it in every other part of American life.
By the way, that is the way it works for all of us here in the Senate. We belong to a real marketplace. We belong to a real exchange called the Federal Employees Health Benefits Program. If a Member of the Senate doesn't like his health care coverage in November of 2009, come January of 2010, that Member of the Senate can take his business elsewhere, to another insurer that does a better job. I think that kind of marketplace--the marketplace every Member of the Senate now enjoys--ought to be available to everybody else in the country. I think there ought to be public choices. I think there ought to be private choices. I think all Americans ought to be able to have access to all of those choices. We are not going to be able to have real insurance company accountability, real choice, and real competition unless we make the exchanges robust and get more people in.
To illustrate the fact that the majority leader and other leaders, such as Chairman Baucus, are open to new ideas, just yesterday the majority leader and Chairman Baucus and I agreed on an approach that will allow more people to enjoy the marketplace, the fruits of a competitive system, more quickly, when they indicated yesterday they would support my legislation to expand access to the exchanges for those who otherwise would have forgone having health insurance under health reform. Let me emphasize that--letting folks get to the exchanges who otherwise would have no health insurance at all. We have been able to do it. According to the CBO, we will be able to add an additional million people, middle-class folks walking on an economic tightrope, at 10 percent or less of what it would cost to have those people get their coverage through Medicaid or through subsidies. It is my intent to work with the majority leader and Chairman Baucus closely to allow others to have a chance to be part of this kind of competitive system. I commend the majority leader and Chairman Baucus for their commitment to work with me, as this bill goes to the floor, to expand access to the marketplace.
Let me close with one last point. I see my colleague from New Mexico in the Chamber, and he is a welcome addition to the Senate.
A lot of Americans listening may wonder why the Senate is turning its attention to health care when there is so much economic hurt in our land. The fact is, fixing the economy and fixing American health care are literally two sides of the same coin. We have to rein in these costs. We have to rein in these costs for Americans to have more take-home pay, to be in a position to pay for essentials, and to allow our workers to compete in ferociously challenging markets around the world.
It is time to move beyond the townhall brawls of this past summer and for the Senate to work with Senator Reid and all colleagues to break through and deal with this critical issue, the premier long-term challenge of our time for our economy, and do it in a bipartisan way. I urge my colleagues to vote for the motion to proceed.
I yield the floor.
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