Department Of The Interior, Environment, And Related Agencies Appropriations Act, 2010
Floor Speech
Department Of The Interior, Environment, And Related Agencies Appropriations Act, 2010
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Mr. MCCONNELL. Mr. President, eight years ago America was attacked at home by an enemy that we had underestimated for too long. As a result of this single planned attack, thousands of innocent people were killed, the Twin Towers were left in ruins, and our long-held confidence as a Nation in the security of our homeland was seriously shaken.
The horror of that day brought our country together, including lawmakers of every ideological stripe. And it was in this context of unity that we resolved to do everything in our power to ensure that America never experienced a day like September 11 again.
At the heart of that resolve was a recognition that al-Qaida and affiliated terrorist groups had been at war with the United States long before September 11, 2001. September 11 may have been the day that we saw the terrible consequences of inaction, but the pattern of smaller-scale attacks leading up to that day was also suddenly, undeniably clear. On 9/11, we saw that this was a war not of choice but a war of necessity that would take time and require great sacrifice, and that war continues.
From the very start, the centerpiece of our strategy has been the same: to deny al-Qaida and its affiliates sanctuary, and, crucially, to deny them a staging ground from which they can plan, prepare, or launch another attack on U.S. soil. We have carried out this strategy using the vast tools of intelligence, diplomacy, and force at our disposal, and our future success depends on our continued use of all these tools.
We have also recognized from the first moments of this fight that we can't succeed alone. America is not al-Qaida's only target, and we are not capable of defeating al-Qaida without the cooperation of many allies and friends, many of whom have experienced terrorism firsthand. The fight against al-Qaida is a global fight, and its success will continue to depend on a division of labor among many nations.
Nowhere is our reliance on partners and allies more apparent at the moment than in Afghanistan and Pakistan. Just as progress in Iraq depended on the training of an indigenous security force, so too does our progress in Afghanistan depend on the training of security forces there; and so too does our success in Pakistan depend upon the ability of the Pakistani Army to fight terrorists in the tribal areas.
Still, while Afghanistan and Pakistan may now be at the center of the fight, it's important to realize that our success will mean continued reliance on the cooperation of other friends and allies across the globe, from our own borders to other distant places where our forces can not go or where our presence is of limited use.
This is why I and others have pointed out that our success in preventing inmates from Guantanamo from returning to the fight depends on cooperation from political leaders in places like Yemen and Saudi Arabia. And this is why many of us have pointed out that al-Qaida's presence is growing in Yemen and threatens Saudi Arabia, where al-Qaida claimed credit just last month for the first terrorist attack on a member of the Saudi royal family in recent memory.
Many countries are engaged in the same fight that we are. As the war on terror continues, these countries need to be assured of our cooperation just as much as we need to be assured of theirs.
So far on Afghanistan, the President has shown admirable consistency. He has not lost sight of the need to pressure al-Qaida's senior leadership; he has stated, rightly, in my view, that the core goal of the war there is the disruption, dismantling, and defeat of al-Qaida and the prevention of safe havens for terrorists. And he was wise earlier this year to appoint General Stanley McChrystal to command our forces in Afghanistan in pursuit of these goals.
By now, General McChrystal has had time to develop an initial assessment of the situation. That assessment, elements of which are now public, calls for a genuine counterinsurgency. Soon, he will make a formal request for the resources he needs to carry this strategy out. We don't know all the details yet, but we do know that much more hard work lies ahead. And we also know that, according to General McChrystal, ``failure to provide adequate resources ..... risks a longer conflict, greater casualties, higher overall costs, and ultimately, a critical loss of political support ..... [and that] any of these risks, in turn, are likely to result in mission failure.''
Looking back, we can see that the work of fighting terrorism at home and abroad has been difficult, it has been long, and it has tested our resolve. But here is the good news: It has been a success. By searching out terrorists where they are, keeping up the pressure, and remaining flexible, our Armed Forces, intelligence professionals, and the help of our allies and friends has achieved something few people thought possible on September 11, 2001. America has not been attacked at home since.
But this much is also clear: al-Qaida remains intent on attacking the United States. Its terror network is lethal, resilient, determined, and mobile, and the day we lose sight of this is the day that our good fortune in preventing another attack may run out.
The President, to his credit, has not lost sight of this sobering reality. But any failure to act decisively in response to General McChrystal's request could serve to undermine the other good decisions the President has made.
General McChrystal has made clear that more forces are necessary. But even that won't be enough. Even with the best strategy and the finest implementation, our efforts in Afghanistan will not succeed without the support of the American people. This is why, in my view, the President must soon explain to the American people his reasons either for accepting the McChrystal Plan or, if he chooses an alternative, explain why he believes the alternative is better.
As the President has noted, any commitment of additional forces is a decision of the gravest importance. No President takes a decision like this lightly. And this is why General McChrystal and General Petraeus should also come to Washington to explain to Congress and to the American people how their strategy will work.
Despite our best efforts to defeat al-Qaida and deny them sanctuary in Afghanistan and Pakistan, they remain a serious threat. The Taliban is gaining ground. But if our recent experience with Iraq shows us anything, it is that our commanders in the field are in the best position to tell us what will work. General McCyrstal says that without adequate resources, we will fail. In my view, we should listen to that advice.
Leading up to and during the surge in Iraq, many voices in Washington had given up hope of success. One prominent Senator said that a surge of American forces would do nothing. One of the Nation's top newspapers said that staying the course in Iraq would only make the situation more bloody and frightening, and that there was nothing ahead for Iraq but even greater disaster.
But we know what happened. By listening to our commanders in the field, the tide in Iraq began to turn. We salvaged our chances. And nearly 3 years later, a country and a war that many had given up for lost is showing strong signs of stability.
At the time, America was fortunate that in its moment of need, GEN David Petraeus came forward with a plan to secure Iraq and implemented it with the help of brave soldiers and marines in Baghdad and Anbar Province. General McChrystal has now sent his recommendation for a counterinsurgency strategy to protect the population and defeat the Taliban in Afghanistan. Congress should support it.
The war ahead in Afghanistan would not be easy. Counterinsurgency is very demanding in terms of people, resources and vigilance. But the consequences of withdrawal, or even of a plan that is more narrowly focused on developing Afghan security forces, would likely be worse, since neither plan will lead to the defeat of al-Qaida or reverse the gains that the Taliban has made in Afghanistan and Pakistan.
By ceding Afghanistan to the Taliban and al-Qaida, we would all but ensure that the terrorists have the ability to plan and carry out another attack from the very same place that they plotted and carried out the attacks of 9/11; al-Qaida in Pakistan would serve as a magnet to every young man wishing to enter the jihad; and our ability to stop either of these frightening developments would be severely diminished.
The President has said he will not allow these things to happen: For the sake of our long-term security, we should support the McChrystal Plan. Anything less would confirm al-Qaida's view that America lacks the strength and the resolve to endure a long war. We have proved them wrong before. Let's prove them wrong again.
I yield the floor.
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