Recognizing Israel's Right to Defend Itself Against Attacks from Gaza

Floor Speech

Date: Jan. 9, 2009
Location: Washington, DC


RECOGNIZING ISRAEL'S RIGHT TO DEFEND ITSELF AGAINST ATTACKS FROM GAZA -- (House of Representatives - January 09, 2009)

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Mr. HOYER. I thank the gentleman from California and I thank the gentlelady from Florida for bringing this resolution to the floor.

Today the House will stand in support of Israel as it faces enemies bent on its destruction.

For 8 years, Hamas, aided by Iran and others, has sent deadly rockets and mortars into Israel; so many have already talked about that. In 2005, Israel dismantled its settlements and withdrew its military from Gaza, and still the rockets came, more than 6,000, as has been related, since Israel's withdrawal.

I was in Israel on August 15 of 2005 with a delegation, a meeting with Ariel Sharon. It was a courageous act that the Israelis took; it was a controversial act that the Israelis took. It took great political courage to do what the Israelis did. And there were many citizens in that democracy that demonstrated against that action because they feared what would happen is what is happening now. Each one of them, the rockets that have been sent, those 6,000--intended to kill the maximum number of civilians and falling indiscriminately on southern Israel cities and towns--was a war crime by any definition. Mr. Royce spoke of that, as to what our response would be if Mexico or Canada--which obviously has not done so nor would they--but if they did that, what our own citizens would demand of us. Mexico would not exist, nor would Canada, quite simply put. We would not tolerate, and no amount of criticism leveled on us would in any way modify our response.

The harm of these missiles is undeniable, I've seen it firsthand. When I traveled to the southern Israel town of Sderot, I met families whose children had lost the ability to speak, who no longer had control of their bodily functions. That is the profound and ever-present fear that covers much of Israel today.

Let us be quick to intone, however, our sympathy for the children and for the families of the Palestinians living in Gaza. Let us not forget that the problem with these conflicts is that it is the innocent who suffer the most. How tragic it is, I believe, that for over six decades the Palestinian people have been led by those who rationalize the use of terror and rationalize the premise of the destruction of Israel, established by the United Nations of the world. How tragic it is that the Palestinians have not had among their number a Gandhi, a Mandela, a Martin Luther King, Jr., who said the way to solve this problem is not through terror and violence, but the way to solve this problem is through reason and an appeal to moral suasion in the world community. How tragic it is that the Palestinian children and the Israeli children and their families--men, women, older people--on both sides have been subjected to the terror sold by Hamas, Hezbollah and other terrorist organizations. But the reality exists today that Hamas is in control and is threatening, and that is the danger that Israel nor any nation could endure.

As Secretary Rice said last week, and I quote, ``Hamas has held the people of Gaza hostage ever since their illegal coup against the legitimate President of the Palestinian people.'' To the Hamas terrorists, the ordinary people of Gaza are not fellow citizens, but all too often propaganda props.

As reporter Jeffrey Goldberg writes, and I quote, ``Hamas terrorists unblinkingly and ostentatiously use their own civilians as human shields. I have seen this up close, and it's repulsive.''

For Hamas, the lives of Palestinians are valued as cheaply as the lives of Israelis. How sad it is for both those people. Having exhausted diplomatic options and confronted with an enemy sworn to its destruction, Israel has been given no choice but to take military action in order to relieve the threat against its people.

How sad it is, my fellow colleagues, that the international community responds strongly today, but has failed to respond strongly to the decades of terrorism visited on Israel--and yes, visited on the United States--by those who employ terror and destruction and murder against innocence.

By offering this resolution, we recognize Israel's right to act in self-defense as we claim for ourselves and for every nation of the world--that same right claimed by America and any other sovereign nation when faced with a similar threat.

We urge both sides to protect the lives of civilians. I believe the Israelis are trying to do that, and they have always tried to do that. It is demonstrably true that that is not true of Hamas or Hezbollah or other similar terrorist organizations.

We urge the administration to work towards a durable--and that is the operative word, ``a durable,'' not a temporary cessation, not a 5-minute or 5-day or even 5-month cessation from terror--but a durable, sustained cessation of the terror, a durable cease-fire that puts an end to the fighting and to its cause--Hamas' ability to threaten Israel and to produce the weapons of terror.

Only when Israel's enemies forswear violence and recognize Israel's right to exist will we be any closer to a just and lasting peace, which the people need. And when I say the people need that, I don't mean the Palestinian people or the Israeli people, but the people need on both sides of the line, but which Hamas, Hezbollah, Islamic Jihad and other such terrorist groups have refused for decades now to take place, a peace in which the Palestinian and Israeli people can live in their own states side by side. That is our objective, that is the objective of this resolution. Let us stand with Israel's right to defend itself and its people and defeat terror.

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