Emergency Supplemental Appropriations Act for Defense and for the Reconstruction of Iraq and Afghanistan, 2004-Conference Report

EMERGENCY SUPPLEMENTAL APPROPRIATIONS ACT FOR DEFENSE AND FOR THE RECONSTRUCTION OF IRAQ AND AFGHANISTAN, 2004-CONFERENCE REPORT

Ms. COLLINS. Mr. President, I rise to speak on the conference report providing supplemental funding for our operations in Iraq and Afghanistan.

I will support the conference report because I believe we cannot abandon either Iraq or Afghanistan prior to ensuring that both countries are becoming free, democratic, and stable societies. We are asking our men and women in uniform to put their lives on the line to accomplish this mission. Their sacrifices must not be in vain. We have an obligation to ensure that our troops receive the resources needed to do their jobs as safely and as effectively as possible. This bill will help to accomplish that goal.

Terrorists operating in Iraq are actively working with the remnants of Saddam Hussein's regime against the establishment of a democratic government in Iraq. Every time a bomb explodes, we face a test, a test of our resolve to stay and finish the job. It is not easy to stay the course when our American troops are dying and getting wounded. But to walk away from Iraq would hand these terrorists a victory. To walk away from Iraq now would abandon innocent Iraqis to yet another authoritarian regime that oppresses human rights and threatens the entire region.

Three-quarters of the funding in this bill will help provide our soldiers with the tools they need to get the job done as safely and effectively as possible. The bill includes additional personnel and health care support, much-needed protective equipment, such as body armor and fortified Humvees that will help keep our troops safer, and funding for expanded military operations to pursue terrorists globally. The bill also provides $18.6 billion to build a modern infrastructure for Iraq and to strengthen security forces. Basic services are a fundamental building block of a modern country. As we recently experienced with Hurricane Isabel, the lack of reliable electricity and clean water supplies can disrupt the most modern functioning of societies. That, obviously, was a very small-scale disruption compared to what is being experienced in present-day Iraq.

I agree with the administration's proposal that we must focus on building an infrastructure. When I visited Iraq in July, I was struck by how little damage to the infrastructure was caused by the war. Our precision targeting spared the bridges and much of the infrastructure of this country, but nevertheless the infrastructure is in shambles.

It is in shambles because of the decades of personal greed and neglect of Saddam Hussein. So building a modern infrastructure for Iraq is critical to helping this country get back on its feet as a functioning economy and a modern society.

Despite my support for the goal of building an infrastructure, I want to make very clear that I am very disappointed that the conferees dropped a Senate provision I offered with many of my colleagues, including Senators BAYH, ENSIGN, NELSON, and GRAHAM. That provision would have provided for half of the money to be used for the infrastructure rebuilding in the form of a long-term loan to Iraq. Both the Senate and the House expressed strong bipartisan support for this approach. I continue to strongly believe there are ways to structure our reconstruction assistance that would provide the Iraqi people with the assistance they need, when they need it, while lessening the long-term impact on the American taxpayers.

We should make Iraq a partner in this rebuilding venture, not simply the recipient of our goodwill. Iraq has abundant human and economic resources to enable it to shoulder some of the responsibility for its own future. It has been pointed out many times-but perhaps it bears repeating-that Iraq has the second largest oil reserves in the world. The administration has estimated that within 2 years Iraq will be generating $20 billion in annual oil revenue. With such an economic capability, Iraq undoubtedly will have the financial resources to repay this loan one day.

I recognize-I emphasize-the need for help in the short term, but surely our taxpayers could be partially repaid in the long term.

The American people are very generous. They understand that Iraq needs our help right now. But in the long term, we will be better off if we act in partnership with the Iraqi people, giving them a sense of ownership in their own infrastructure by working with them, lending money to them, and by making this a shared responsibility.

Let me point out that the World Bank and the IMF have pledged money in the form of loans at the recent donors conference. Although they attached some conditions to the establishment of a loan program, these international financial institutions clearly believe that administering loans to Iraq is doable and that the country will have the capacity to repay this money in the future.

Finally, I remain very troubled that the status of Iraq's preliberation foreign debt remains unclear. Saudi Arabia, France, Germany, and Russia should not be repaid for debts incurred by Saddam Hussein while the United States invests billions of its own dollars in reclaiming the country for the Iraqi people. Indeed, if the leaders of three of those nations had had their way, Iraq would still be suffering under the brutal regime of Saddam Hussein. The American taxpayer will be justifiably furious if one dime of his money goes even indirectly to repaying the debts incurred by Saddam Hussein.

As we go forward with the distribution of the aid provided by this bill, it is critical that the administration continue to vigorously pursue an international agreement that will ensure that the holders of Saddam-era debt will not seek repayment. American taxpayers' money simply cannot be used, even indirectly, to repay the dirty debts of a dictator. That was another advantage of our loan proposal. It would have made it very far less likely that that could occur.

This is particularly important after the donors conference made crystal clear that many wealthy nations, such as Saudi Arabia, France, and Germany, are apparently unwilling to donate any significant sums to the rebuilding cause.

Despite my reservations, I believe this package will pave the way to the day when our soldiers finally come home from Iraq. We must not waiver in our mission to eliminate terrorism and bring democracy and stability to Iraq and to the Middle East. I hope we will continue to consider ways we can achieve this goal that are fair to the American taxpayers and that recognize the need for a shared partnership with the Iraqi people.

I yield the floor and suggest the absence of a quorum.