Foreign Operations, Export Financing, and Related Programs Appropriations Act, 2004-Continued

FOREIGN OPERATIONS, EXPORT FINANCING, AND RELATED PROGRAMS APPROPRIATIONS ACT, 2004—CONTINUED
  
Mr. McCONNELL. Madam President, with all due respect to my good friend from West Virginia, who has had many good ideas in his 45 years in the Senate, let me suggest this may not be one of them. What the Senator from West Virginia is suggesting here is that we change a temporary position—a position currently held by Ambassador Bremer, which he is trying very hard to work his way out of by having at the earliest opportunity a chance to turn Iraq over to Iraqis and come home—into a confirmed Senate position. Ambassador Bremer spent a lot of time back here testifying, as he should have, on the supplemental. But the real job to do is over in Iraq, trying to get this new government up and running, trying to get the Iraqi security force to a substantial level so we can begin to draw down American troops. I think most of us have concluded we have too many positions that need to be confirmed.

In fact, I can recall a meeting in my office earlier this year, right before the August recess, a bipartisan meeting discussing the possibility of reducing the number of positions which require confirmation and having that bill take effect January 20, 2005, for whoever the next President is, to try to make it possible for the next administration to function more successfully without all of the problems that come from an excessive number of confirmations.

Secretary Rumsfeld is the designated authority for Iraq. Of course, he was confirmed by the Senate. Ambassador Bremer, the CPA administrator, reports to the Secretary of Defense. During the consideration of the supplemental, my good friend from Vermont tried to shift the authority from the Defense Department over to the State Department. Certainly an argument can be made for that. But that failed on a vote of 56 to 42.

The fact is Ambassador Bremer, as I indicated earlier, is trying very hard to work his way out of this job. This is very much a temporary position. We didn't go in there to be there a very lengthy period of time. This temporary job can end the moment the Iraqis are in a position to take over the administration of their own country. We all know how lengthy confirmations can be. Do we really want to derail reconstruction by having Ambassador Bremer back here for lengthy confirmation proceedings? He is already on the job. As I understand the amendment, if this were to take effect and he were not to be confirmed by March 1 of next year, all the funding would be cut off. So this would be an extraordinarily high profile confirmation.

I know my good friend from West Virginia thought this war was a mistake. He has been very clear about that. A Senator would have to be extraordinarily inattentive not to get the point that the Senator from West Virginia believes the whole thing was a mistake. But I would say with the utmost respect for my good friend, we are there. We are there now.
Regardless of how one felt about the process of getting us there, it seems to me we have a lot on the line in having this Iraqi effort be successful, regardless of how we felt about going in.

I venture the opinion that no matter who the next President is, they will try to finish the job in Iraq just like this administration is still in Bosnia and Kosovo, an administration policy of the previous administration.

This job needs to be finished. I plead with my colleagues. Let us not make it any more difficult to wrap up this very tough assignment and have Ambassador Bremer come back and do something else for the rest of his life.

I hope the Byrd amendment will not be approved. We have had ample opportunity to cross-examine Ambassador Bremer and to question him on every conceivable issue related to this, and I am sure we will have other opportunities to do it. But I think the confirmation process is simply not appropriate for this particular position.

I yield the floor.

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AMENDMENT NO. 2020

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I also have an amendment by Senator Feingold that has been approved on both sides. I send the amendment to the desk.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will report.

The assistant legislative clerk read as follows:

The Senator from Kentucky [Mr. McConnell], for Mr. Feingold, proposes an amendment numbered 2020.

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that reading of the amendment be dispensed with.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.

The amendment is as follows:

(Purpose: To provide funds to support the development of responsible justice and reconciliation mechanisms in central Africa)

On page 147, between lines 6 and 7, insert the following:

RESPONSIBLE JUSTICE AND RECONCILIATION MECHANISMS IN CENTRAL AFRICA

SEC. 692. (a) Of the funds appropriated under title II under the heading "ECONOMIC SUPPORT FUND", $12,000,000 should be made available to support the development of responsible justice and reconciliation mechanisms in the
Democratic Republic of the Congo, Rwanda, Burundi, and Uganda, including programs to increase awareness of gender-based violence and improve local capacity to prevent and respond to such violence.

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I am aware of no opposition to the amendment.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, the amendment is agreed to.

The amendment (No. 2020) was agreed to.

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I move to reconsider the vote.

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Mr. MCCONNELL. Mr. President, I take a brief moment to draw the attention of my colleagues to the situation in Cambodia, and in particular to the continued courage and determination of the Alliance of Democrats.

The Alliance—which consists of the opposition Sam Rainsy Party and the royalist FUNCINPEC party—has taken a bold stand for freedom in Cambodia in the wake of flawed parliamentary elections last July. Despite intimidation and pressure from the ruling Cambodian People's Party, CPP, the Alliance is refusing to enter into a coalition government that is led by Prime Minister Hun Sen—himself an enemy of democracy and justice.

Having met with Alliance leaders in Washington not too long ago, and having personally traveled to Cambodia in 1998, I can appreciate their refusal to allow Hun Sen to continue to mislead that country. In the past, senior Alliance leaders have been targets of assassination attempts, a bloody coup d'etat staged by the CPP, and imprisonment and political exile. Under Hun Sen's misrule, terrorists, criminal triads and pederasts find a haven in Cambodia. Corruption is the norm in that country, as are politically motivated killings.

It might interest my colleagues to know that there have been two high profile shootings in Phnom Penh over the past several weeks, both victims being affiliated with the FUNCINPEC party. Reporter Chour Chetharith was murdered outside the Ta Prohm radio station. According to press reports, the "execution-style killing followed a warning by Prime Minister Hun Sen .    .    . that Ta Prohm should stop broadcasting programs critical of his speeches."

Pop singer Touch Sunnich was shot a few short days ago—her only crime apparently being a supporter of non-CPP party.
My heart goes out to these victims and their families.

It is not enough for the diplomatic community to condemn this killing. It is past time that someone is held accountable for all the lawlessness, violence, and corruption that unfortunately has become the norm in Cambodia. I offer to my colleagues that the Alliance is trying to do just that by holding Hun Sen accountable—and they deserve the full backing and support of the international community.

Let me close by expressing my great disappointment with the U.S. Embassy in Phnom Penh. Recently, they issued a visa to travel to the United States to a notorious human rights abuser and gangster in Cambodia—Chief of the National Police Hok Lundy. Why the Embassy would issue a visa to someone considered by many of his own compatriots to be a terrorist is beyond me. It is no understatement that Hok Lundy is the Li Peng of Cambodia—and should be held accountable for the violence following the 1998 elections.