Resolution to Remove United States Armed Forces From Lebanon

Floor Speech

Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of H. Con. Res. 108. While I voted against a previous iteration of this resolution, I believe this updated version has corrected the flaws of H. Con. Res. 84.

The updated text is an important legislative assertion of Congress' constitutional authority over matters of war and peace that will not infringe upon America's national security interests in Lebanon, while ensuring we stay out of another forever war that is not in our national interest.

We consider this resolution in the wake of the recently announced trilateral framework between Lebanon, Israel, and the United States. I welcome this agreement, which represents a critical step away from continued escalation and violence.

However, what comes next is most critical: Ensuring a ceasefire is indeed observed by all, fully disarming Hezbollah, and preserving Lebanese sovereignty and territorial integrity.

Since the start of Trump's illegal war of choice with Iran, civilians in both Lebanon and Israel have suffered the consequences of continued strikes by both Hezbollah and the Israeli military.

Now, I strongly condemn violence against civilians in all forms and support efforts by both the Israeli and Lebanese Governments to ensure the safety and security of their people.

Every government has a right and a responsibility to protect its citizens, and Israel has a right to defend itself. However, this does not justify disproportionate airstrikes which have killed too many civilians, including medical workers and journalists, as well as destroyed civilian infrastructure throughout Lebanon.

As I continue to condemn Hezbollah's drone and rocket fire into Israel, I note with deep concern the Israeli Defense Minister's public pronouncement to destroy all homes in southern Lebanon border villages and ``follow the Rafah and Beit Hanoun model in Gaza'' where the Israeli military systematically destroyed thousands of Palestinian homes and civilian infrastructure. These are not words of self-defense. They are the language of collective punishment, and that must be condemned.

As we look to efforts to deescalate and move toward peace and stability for both Israelis and the Lebanese, I will state for the record that, to my knowledge, United States Forces are not currently engaged in any active hostilities in Lebanon with the Israeli military. Nonetheless, this resolution ensures that does not change without congressional authorization. We must not enter another illegal, reckless, and counterproductive war in the Middle East.

While this resolution prohibits U.S. Forces from engaging in hostilities in Lebanon, it makes clear it shall not prevent or in any way limit the important mission that the United States Armed Forces are engaged in with Lebanon; that is, the longstanding training and support of the Lebanese Armed Forces, also known as the LAF, which are critical to Lebanon's stability and that of the region.

In my many meetings with both Lebanese and Israeli leaders over the years, I deeply understand and appreciate the importance of supporting building up Lebanon's Armed Forces--a goal which successive administrations, both Republican and Democrat, have furthered. Protecting that mission, which has enjoyed bipartisan support across administrations, is precisely why this resolution is carefully drafted to preserve it.

This resolution stands on the side of ending forever wars and ensuring U.S. forces are not drawn into hostilities in Lebanon.

Any colleague who believes Congress must reassert its constitutional authority over matters of war and peace should stand with us today.

Mr. Speaker, I support this resolution, and I urge all of my colleagues to do the same.

Mrs. WATSON COLEMAN. Mr. Speaker, I thank the ranking member for yielding me time.

Our country was rightly shocked and horrified when over 150 schoolgirls were killed in the opening hours of our strikes on Iran. It will be remembered as one of our darkest hours.

As I stand here, over 253 children have been killed in Lebanon. Are those lives no less a tragedy? Are we so callous as to believe that when we provide intelligence, provide coordination, and green strikes, that our responsibility for the results of that work ends there?

We are not bystanders to the ongoing horror that is the war on Lebanon. We have seen this before. High-ranking members of the Israeli Government are threatening mass extermination of Lebanese civilians. They are broadcasting their intentions just as they did in Gaza.

This Congress did nothing to stop the horror that befell Gaza. This Congress took bipartisan measures to let an ally commit genocide on the Palestinian people in Gaza with our bombs, with our intelligence, and with our tax dollars. We cannot feign ignorance here again.

This resolution offers a very clear moral choice. It offers those who failed to act in Gaza a chance to do something right now.

Mr. Speaker, I ask that we would all support this resolution.

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Mr. MEEKS. Tlaib), the sponsor of this resolution.

Mr. Speaker, while I have zero confidence this administration will be transparent with Congress, let me restate clearly that I have seen no information to indicate United States Armed Forces are engaged in combat hostilities on the ground in Lebanon.

Nevertheless, this resolution is a timely and important assertion of Congress' constitutional authority, one that requires the administration to come to Congress before sending U.S. forces into another war.

Conflict in Lebanon is not new. In 1975, Lebanon's Civil War began a conflict that would kill over 150,000 people in a country with a population of just several million.

The United States sent troops to the country as part of a multinational force. On October 23, 1983, terrorists drove two truck bombs into our Marine Corps barracks in Beirut, killing 241 of our soldiers. It was the deadliest day for our Marines since World War II. President Reagan made the right call and pulled out our Marines within 4 months.

We must not, Mr. Speaker, repeat the failures of the past, be they 40 years or 40 days ago. We must not allow this administration to undermine the fragile cease-fire now in place, drag our troops into another conflict, or hand Congress' warmaking authority to a President who has shown no interest in wielding it responsibly.

Mr. Speaker, I support this resolution and encourage all of my colleagues to do so, as well. I yield back the balance of my time.

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Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

The yeas and nays were ordered.

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