Venezuela

Floor Speech

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Mr. ESPAILLAT. Mr. Speaker, let us make two things clear today, the things that I think are eminently important and that perhaps could find consensus in this Chamber on both sides of the aisle. In fact, I believe even most countries across the world would agree with those two things, maybe even the United Nations and the Organization of American States could agree with that, and I am confident even the Vatican could agree with that, and that is that Nicholas Maduro was not the legitimate president of Venezuela. The Venezuelan people were neither free nor prosperous during his corrupt regime.

Here is another truth, Mr. Speaker, that in no way conflicts with this first one: The President of the United States must come to Congress before ordering a military engagement against any country.

Mr. Speaker, you cannot uphold the rule of law by breaking it. You cannot protect or abide by the Constitution by assaulting it.

Again, so there is no confusion between these two positions, Nicolas Maduro was not a legitimate President, and unauthorized military action is illegal without the consent of Congress.

With Nicolas Maduro now in the rearview mirror, we must look forward and craft policies that support a free and democratic future for Venezuela and policies that return war powers to the United States Congress, as enshrined in the United States Constitution.

That is why I and the executive board of the Congressional Hispanic Caucus will propose a forward-looking framework for a democratic and stable Venezuela. As members of the Congressional Hispanic Caucus, we come from different nations in Latin America and the Caribbean. We are immigrants, like myself. Many of the members also have ancestors who settled in places in these United States before the United States even existed, and everywhere in between. We share, like most Americans with roots from all over the world, a special connection to Latin America and the Caribbean. Hence, we have crafted a series of recommendations, a roadmap if you will, for democracy and prosperity for the people of Venezuela.

Our first priorities will support a free and democratic Venezuela. That means rejecting authoritarian governance, whether the orders come from the Miraflores Palace or the White House.

The Venezuelan people deserve institutions that are accountable, transparent, and responsible to the world and a restoration of democracy through timely and legitimate elections that reflect the voices of the Venezuelan people themselves.

This is not just about the Venezuelan people. This is ultimately also about the American people, and the American people deserve a government that preserves, protects, and even respects our own rule of law, our own Constitution.

That is why we reject any further U.S. military intervention without congressional authorization. If we are together, as a nation, to put our men and women in uniform at risk, then our Constitution wisely demands that the decisions be made by the Representatives of those people. It may well be that Congress will have voted for or against an intervention, but, ultimately, it is Congress that should do it.

Now that we are so deeply involved with Venezuela, we must act according to our principles. That means ensuring humanitarian protections at home and abroad for the Venezuelan people who have been victims of tyranny for so long.

At home, that includes extending TPS. We cannot deport people to a nation where our actions have set off a new wave of oppression.

In Venezuela, that means pushing for an end to that repression. It means the release of political prisoners, including journalists and civil society leaders. It means freedom of expression and freedom of the press. We must also ensure that Venezuela's future is decided by Venezuelans.

Our future is also in balance. Mr. Speaker, we are not a nihilist nation. Mr. Speaker, we are a nation of values, principles, and laws. We must act as one.

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