Nominations

Floor Speech

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Mr. PADILLA. Mr. President, at the beginning of every year, the White House, on behalf of the President of the United States, and the Department of Defense come to Congress with a request. They come to Congress as a coequal branch of government to ask that we, Congress, authorize and appropriate the funding they need to defend our Nation and to protect our national interests on the world stage. And that request traditionally includes a justification and a rationale for the proposed plan.

For over 60 years, Congress has met its responsibilities, not by rubberstamping the Department of Defense's requests but by, yes, identifying areas of agreement, identifying and negotiating or saying no to areas of disagreement, and, ultimately, passing, on a bipartisan basis, what we refer to as the National Defense Authorization Act, the final product reflecting the priorities of both Congress and the White House for protecting our Nation. That is how it normally works.

But make no mistake, this year is anything but normal. What we have seen just 1 year into this second Trump administration is the destruction of eight decades of bipartisan foreign policy consensus and the destruction of postwar alliances that have kept Americans safe for generations.

And we have seen growing abuses of power meant to enrich Donald Trump and his allies. And as best as I can tell, the Trump doctrine in his second term is a transactional national security and foreign policy, not of values but to the highest bidder.

Under Trump, the United States has pulled away from NATO and grown closer to authoritarian dictators like Xi, Kim, and Putin, who Trump idolizes. He has engaged in repeated hostilities against our closest European democratic allies and cozied up to anyone who will shower him with gifts or praise or both.

He is enabling Russia's plans to carve up Ukraine, a catastrophic decision that will only encourage future aggression and pain for innocent civilians.

He has even threatened to forcibly annex Greenland from our ally Denmark.

And, earlier this month, the Trump administration released its new National Security Strategy.

And some folks may wonder: What is the National Security Strategy document?

It is a blueprint that provides strategic guidance for the administration. It sets priorities and articulates a vision for achieving them--or at least it should.

Trump's strategy rejects leading with democratic values in favor of making short-term, transactional alliances. It is a complete abandonment of the idea that democracies should stand together against authoritarian governments.

And while it is foolish and shortsighted, it is also not surprising to hear Defense Secretary Hegseth recently declare, at the Reagan Defense Forum, an end to what he calls ``idealistic utopianism,'' while calling for a renewed focus on the Western Hemisphere.

So what exactly does a renewed focus on the Western Hemisphere look like for the Trump administration?

So far it has meant bombing alleged drug traffickers in the Caribbean and Pacific, on shaky legal grounds--so shaky they won't release the legal opinion that they are using to try to justify it.

Now, just this week, we heard the White House Chief of Staff--the White House Chief of Staff--admit on the record that Donald Trump ``wants to keep on blowing boats up until Maduro cries uncle.''

Folks, the fact of the matter is, Congress has not declared war, nor has Congress authorized the use of military force in Latin America. Do you want to have that debate? Let's have that debate. Let's put that up for a vote if you agree, but that has not happened yet. And we know the American people overwhelmingly oppose a military campaign there as well.

But every week--it doesn't matter--Donald Trump keeps testing us to see just how much he can get away with, threatening now a land invasion of Venezuela and even seizing an oil tanker off its coast. Now, if this were solely about stopping drug traffickers, I don't think there would be disagreement or objection here to a law enforcement-based approach to do exactly that. Of course, we want to stop drug trafficking. But the Trump administration seemingly can't decide if it wants to be crime fighters or warmongers, and they have decided to use the U.S. military to bomb their way through the Caribbean either way.

And that is the larger point here. Donald Trump wants unchallenged use of the military to achieve his every whim and every grievance--even when it means violating our international norms, betraying our allies, and violating the Constitution. How is that going to make us any safer?

If we can't be trusted in Europe and if we are manufacturing conflicts in Central or South America, who would want to work with us in the future? And if the United States won't respect international law, why should we expect other countries to do so?

But somehow, even more shocking, is what is happening domestically. Donald Trump is politicizing our servicemembers both by word and by deed. He has diverted military resources away from numerous--numerous-- critical missions for his chaotic and violent mass deportation campaign. He has federalized and deployed National Guard troops in American cities against our own citizens in violation of the law.

That is why just last Friday the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals ordered National Guard troops off the streets of Los Angeles, ruling the deployment was unlawful. But that won't stop Trump from targeting States and cities led by Democratic Governors and mayors for speaking out against his power grabs.

Now, just imagine if President Biden would have federalized and deployed troops into Florida or Texas to combat gun violence. Republicans would be beside themselves. They would be apoplectic.

Finally, when six of our colleagues published a video reminding servicemembers of their oath to the Constitution of the United States and reminding servicemembers about their obligation to refuse unlawful orders, Trump called that ``seditious behavior, punishable by death.'' And he demanded that the FBI and top Defense officials investigate them and intimidate them.

This President is trying to corrupt the military for his own personal gain and to silence all opposition. He is pushing the legal limits of his authority.

But through all those unprecedented and dangerous decisions, what has been the response from the Republican majority in Congress--both the House and the Senate? ``Sir. Yes, sir.'' Maybe not quite, but their silence has equaled acquiescence. Congress, under this Republican majority, is nowhere near acting like the ``equal branch of government'' that it is.

Let's just look at the record from this past year. Congress, not just once but twice, failed to pass a War Powers Resolution and assert its constitutional authority in response to the escalating attacks in the Caribbean. In reaction to the controversial double-tap strike against survivors in the Caribbean, the Defense Department has refused to release videos so the American people can see for themselves what played out. And if it is too sensitive to release to the American public, then at least show it to all Members of the Senate, even if it is in a secure classified setting. But the Defense Department refuses to do even that.

Meanwhile, congressional committees have failed to conduct our oversight responsibility and to demand it from the administration. With each passing day, Donald Trump continues to use the Department of Defense as an extension of his administration's border enforcement apparatus. Republicans have cheered him on the whole way, abdicating their responsibility to this institution, to their constituents, and to their oath of office.

And even with a majority party bending to his will, the Trump administration is still floating proposals to blow up the bipartisan Defense appropriations process altogether and pursue a party-line reconciliation bill instead.

Colleagues, this is the President doing everything he can to build unquestioned power over our military and a Republican Party that refuses to challenge him.

At a time when the Trump administration is abusing its power, destroying our standing in the world, deploying troops against our own people, the annual Defense authorization bill offers an important opportunity. It is an opportunity to hold this administration accountable, not just out of responsibility to our constituents but to the Constitution and to this coequal branch of government.

Mr. President, $900 billion is a lot to rubberstamp, and I refuse to hand this administration any more tools to enrich themselves and undermine our national security and our standing in the world. So for these reasons, I will be voting no on this year's NDAA and encourage all of you to do the same.

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