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Mr. AMO. Mr. Chair, I demand a recorded vote.
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Mr. AMO. Mr. Chair, I rise as the designee of the gentlewoman from Texas (Ms.
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Mr. AMO. Mr. Chair, while the underlying bill is problematic and harmful to U.S. interests, I have no problem supporting this amendment, which adds election interference as a sanctionable conduct.
Beijing should not be interfering in our democratic processes.
I think if the sanctions authorities in this bill were constructed thoughtfully, this would be an important area of concern where sanctions could be used to hold PRC entities accountable.
Mr. Chair, I yield back the balance of my time.
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Mr. AMO. Mr. Chair, I rise in opposition to the amendment.
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Mr. AMO. Mr. Chair, this amendment makes a bad idea even worse. Scratch past the surface of the underlying bill, and you will find an unserious proposal that does nothing to address our problems with Beijing. It would blindly sanction all the PRC's top leaders while getting absolutely nothing in return.
This unilateral action would detonate the U.S.-China relationship. That is right, this bill would slap widespread sanctions on a broad swath of China's Government without achieving a single change in its malign behavior. That truly is some art of the deal.
Given the high-stakes nature of our relationship with China, we need sanctions that are targeted, scoped, and sequenced to be effective. This amendment doesn't come within a football field of meeting this standard. It makes a bad idea worse.
The amendment would sanction an additional 170 or so alternate members of the CCP Central Committee. It is the policy equivalent of taking out a chain saw when the job requires a scalpel. Chaotically applying sweeping sanctions is not thoughtful. It is not smart.
Mr. Chair, I oppose this amendment, and I urge my colleagues to do the same.
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Mr. AMO. Mr. Chair, once again, this shortsighted amendment makes a bad idea even worse.
Mr. Chair, I yield back the balance of my time.
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