Department of State, Foreign Operations, and Related Programs Appropriations Act, 2025

Floor Speech

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Ms. DeLAURO. Mr. Chair, I rise in opposition to the Republican majority's State, Foreign Operations, and Related Agencies appropriations bill.

First, I would also like to thank the majority and minority staff, especially Erin Kolodjeski, Laurie Mignone, and Stephanie Reed. I also want to acknowledge Chairman Diaz-Balart and Ranking Member Barbara Lee for their work on the bill.

It is difficult to imagine this entire institution without Congresswoman Barbara Lee.

As ranking member of the State, Foreign Operations, and Related Agencies Appropriations Subcommittee, Congresswoman Lee has been a unique and effective advocate for America wielding influence on the global stage. Our soft power, our ability to bring other nations together for the common purposes of democracy, freedom, and human rights, is as critical to our freedom and prosperity as our defense capabilities.

I thank Congresswoman Lee for all that she has done for California and for our Nation.

To the bill, much like last year, the fiscal year 2025 State and Foreign Operations bill resurrects the doomed isolationism of the early 20th century. Just a few months after Democrats and Republicans voted for final bipartisan 2024 funding bills, the majority proposes that we decimate the State and Foreign Operations bill with a 12 percent cut.

Let us take stock for a moment. Around the globe, America's adversaries threaten the peace and prosperity of the free world. With wars in the Middle East and Europe and humanitarian crises on nearly every continent, the world is yearning for American leadership.

Not since the Cold War have our diplomatic influence and soft power been more critical to keeping Americans safe, yet House Republicans have proposed a bill that would diminish America's world leadership and obstruct our ability to support our allies, to deter our adversaries, to surpass our competitors, to maximize our influence, and to continue leading the free world.

Whether we are talking about our diplomatic strength, economic investments, or humanitarian assistance, this bill unravels the hard- fought credibility and influence we have earned to be global leaders.

This bill threatens our national security, it threatens women's health globally, it hampers our response to the climate crisis, undermines our diplomatic corps by underfunding the State Department and USAID, and completely blocks support for the United Nations Relief and Works Agency--the backbone of getting humanitarian assistance to Gazans in need and jeopardizes relief for refugees in Lebanon and in Jordan--leaving behind some of the most vulnerable people facing the most unthinkable conditions in the world.

The majority's bill is, yet again, diminishing the global standing of the United States and what we stand for, what our values are, for our own people and for people around the world who look to America, the world's largest economy and oldest constitutional democracy, for inspiration and, yes, for hope.

This bill abdicates U.S. leadership at the United Nations and other multilateral and international institutions by not including any funding for the U.N. regular budget, the U.N. Development Program, U.N. Women, and for UNICEF, as well.

By withdrawing from these organizations, we will allow our competitors and our adversaries to take our place and to replace our influence on the global stage.

By shortchanging USAID at a time when a historic number of people are facing conflict and instability, we are failing to live up to America's ideals.

A wide gamut of nonprofit, faith-based, and advocacy organizations have issued stark warnings of what this bill portends for America's global leadership and national security. The Global Health Council led a group of 62 organizations in saying that this bill ``falls woefully short of the funding necessary to address global converging crises and would signal a cessation of U.S. leadership and influence on the world stage.''

Later, at the appropriate time, I will submit this compilation for inclusion in the Congressional Record.

Our starting point for 2025 must provide, and Democrats will accept nothing less than, a 1 percent increase in defense and nondefense funding consistent with the framework set in the Fiscal Responsibility Act that Republicans demanded. Any increase for defense beyond that 1 percent must be matched with nondefense investments. As we proved together this spring, final spending bills will be the product of negotiations between Democrats and the Republicans in the House and Senate.

For all of these reasons, I cannot support this bill. For the sake of our national security, for women's health globally, and our response to the climate crisis, Republicans must abandon this reckless and partisan path and join Democrats at the table. It is time to govern.

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