National Security Act, 2024
Floor Speech
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Mr. MORAN. Mr. President, my colleagues, we live in a dangerous world. Fellow Americans and Kansans, we live in dangerous times, and the world is a real challenge.
The national security crises abroad and here at home are increasing. They are ever increasing. Iran launched a full-scale attack on Israel. Hamas has stated its intent to wipe Israel off the map. Russia continues its brutal aggression in Ukraine. And China is rapidly modernizing its military and using companies to spy and track Americans.
Each of these conflicts is interconnected, and it would be naive to send aid to Israel but take a pass on supporting Ukraine, Taiwan or our other allies. It is vital the United States be a steadfast and reliable partner in the midst of so many dangers that threaten the world and our own nation's peace and prosperity.
In a joint FOX News op-ed with former Secretary Mike Pompeo, we stated:
The preservation of freedom requires enormous effort; indeed, liberty demands the marshaling of every resource necessary in its defense against those who would see it destroyed.
Vladimir Putin has chosen to pursue the reconstitution of the Russian Empire according to his own vision of Russian history. He has made clear that his aspirations go beyond Ukraine and that he views NATO as Russia's enemy. Under Putin's leadership, Russia is increasingly collaborating with other nations that oppose us--Iran and our most powerful adversary, communist China.
Allowing the war in Ukraine to fester will only prolong and deepen the instability already wrought, and it puts at greater risk the 100,000 U.S. servicemembers defending NATO's borders, including those from Fort Riley in Kansas.
I have said, from the beginning, the world is a better and safer place if Ukraine wins and Russia loses. Ending the war on terms favorable to Kyiv will leave Ukraine and the NATO front in a stronger and better position to deter further Russian aggression.
Just a week ago, Iran launched a full-scale attack on Israel from its own soil. Through an impressive and coordinated effort with the United States and other countries, Israel successfully defended itself from the barrage of missiles fired at it. It was a victory for Israel, but Iran has demonstrated that it is capable and willing to act on its desire to eliminate the State of Israel.
Standing with Israel and Ukraine also means standing with our Indo- Pacific partners. We cannot be tough on China and weak on defending Ukraine and Israel.
The Pentagon describes China as the most ``comprehensive and serious challenge'' to U.S. security. The Japanese Prime Minister stood before Congress, just a few days ago, and reaffirmed that ``Japan is already standing shoulder to shoulder with the United States.'' The United States must send the message that we are committed and that we are standing shoulder to shoulder with our allies in the Indo-Pacific.
The bill that we are about to debate, discuss, and presumably vote on allows the United States to respond to immediate needs as China increases its military provocation of Taiwan, while also modernizing our own U.S. fleet to compete in the Pacific.
It is in America's--it is in America's--vital national interest to assist Ukraine in repelling Russian invasion, assist Israel in driving out terrorism, and assist our Indo-Pacific partners in standing up to China's threats. We must project strength. Failure to do otherwise undermines our credibility, and that undermining of credibility, unfortunately, resonates around the globe. That credibility was already damaged after the administration's disastrous and chaotic withdrawal from Afghanistan.
Additionally, in this funding package, a majority of those funds provided to Ukraine--and those provided in previous packages--will be directly injected back into the U.S. economy.
There has been a significant amount of misinformation on this bill, and that is important to clarify: 70 percent of funding in the Ukraine bill--$42 billion of the $60.8 billion--will be used to replenish U.S. stockpiles and develop, produce, and purchase U.S.-made weapons, including weapons from production facilities in Kansas and the Kansas City area.
This package also requires the administration to develop a strategy to support Ukrainian victory.
The American people deserve to know the objectives of supporting Ukraine, our interests as they relate to this war, the cost of not satisfying those interests, and an estimate of the resources that are needed. The supplemental will deliver on all of these aspects.
There is no path forward for Ukraine; there is no path forward for Israel or for Taiwan if the United States of America disengages in the world. The pricetag is significant. But in the absence of taking a stand now, we have to take a stand tomorrow. Do what we need to do today or pay a price later, and later will be even more costly, but these costs must be shared with our NATO allies and our partners elsewhere in the world.
I commend NATO and the European nations that have, up to now, pledged more support to Ukraine's cause even than our own country has. Europe has pledged more money than the United States; yet it is critical to rapidly fulfill these commitments, such as through the delivery of necessary equipment like air defense systems, to help Ukraine better withstand Russia's onslaught.
I am reluctant--and so are many Kansans--to spend more money or to be engaged further in the world, especially with a crisis at our own southern border. I share my colleagues' frustrations that we were unsuccessful. We came close, but we were unsuccessful in including border policies in this package. The crisis at the southern border is a grave national security threat. There are lots of reasons to be concerned about people coming across our borders, but I would highlight, in this conversation, it is a security threat. The administration's continued inaction at the border is particularly frustrating when the administration has many of the tools that it needs to improve the situation.
I will continue working to pass legislation to protect the border, but at the same time, we must work to bolster our national security in the areas that we can agree upon. We can't wait for a new administration or a new Congress to try and pass perfect border legislation, if such a thing exists. Some of the national security challenges we face are not strictly military in nature and reflect the changing nature of what conflict is. What does ``conflict'' mean today?
Our adversaries use technology companies to collect vast amounts of personal data from Americans. This information can be used to control or influence each of us, often without our even realizing it is happening. This bill takes the first step to protect U.S. data, but significant work is left to ensure America's data is secured by a Federal comprehensive data privacy and security law.
The challenges we face, unfortunately, will not just go away. They will not resolve themselves on their own, and the preservation of freedom requires enormous effort. I have always believed that our greatest responsibility as American citizens is to make sure that those who follow us live with the freedom and liberties that were guaranteed by our Constitution and that were fought to protect and defend by those who sacrificed, many of them who sacrificed their own lives. This week, we have an opportunity to deliver on that effort--to do, to live up to our responsibilities as Americans to be a steadfast and reliable partner.
I am grateful to my colleagues in the House for their work in getting the National Security Supplemental passed and sent back to the Senate.
I underscore to my colleagues in the Senate the importance of doing the work we were elected to do. Americans who will be directly impacted, they are paying attention--but so are our adversaries and allies. I hope we are successful in fighting for and defending the liberties and freedoms of America and Americans and in protecting and helping to secure the remainder of the world. It is in our benefit--in America's benefit--to do so.
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