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Floor Speech

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Mr. MORAN. Mr. President, America's attention is rightfully drawn to supporting Ukraine's defense against Russia's illegal and unjustified war. At the same time, we are contending with China, which is undergoing the largest peacetime expansion of military power in history.

This morning, Congress and the American people heard from Israeli President Isaac Herzog, and I rise today to remind my colleagues of the ongoing threat posed by Iran to peace in the Middle East and beyond.

Iran is exporting more oil today than it has since 2019 despite the sanctions that were overwhelmingly passed by this Congress and that remain as current law.

Recently, the Navy's Fifth Fleet intervened to prevent two commercial oil tankers from being seized by Iran in the Gulf of Oman. Iran was recently granted membership in the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, which fosters deeper political and economic cooperation with Russia, China, India, and other members.

All of this has taken place while Iran continues to enhance its nuclear program, provides Russia with weaponry to use in Ukraine, funds proxy fighters throughout the Middle East, holds U.S. citizens hostage, and vows to kill former American officials in revenge for the death of Soleimani.

Despite Tehran's reestablishment of diplomatic ties with Saudi Arabia and holding indirect talks with the United States, it appears that we are far from the ``deescalation'' that the Biden administration says it seeks. Instead, all evidence points to an Iranian regime intent on aggressively pursuing its aggressive objectives.

I agree that we should avoid a crisis that would be triggered by Iran enriching uranium weapons beyond a 90-percent grade or by Iran-backed militias killing U.S. servicemembers in an attack, but my concern is what behavior the President is willing to accept short of these redlines.

While I can only speculate on the content of the Biden administration's reported talks with Iran, press reports suggest a possible agreement would permit Iran to maintain nuclear enrichment at 60 percent. This level cannot be justified for peaceable purposes, and agreeing to it can have serious consequences.

In addition, the Biden administration's persistent outreach to Iran undermines its stated goal to degrade the Russian military.

Henry Rome and Eric Brewer, two scholars who follow Iran's nuclear program closely, recently wrote:

Instead of laying the groundwork for a deal that reverses Tehran's nuclear program, this strategy risks cementing Iran's status as a nuclear threshold state [all] while shaking off its economic and political isolation.

In other words, it gets a lot of what it wants without any price to pay.

Normalizing the 60 percent enrichment level may threaten more nuclear proliferation, particularly in the Middle East. Other countries contemplating nuclear programs will take note and demand the same treatment.

Another element of a reported deal is Iran's pledging not to harm American servicemembers in the region. Ensuring the protection of Americans abroad is the President's first responsibility, and it is to be commended; however, turning a blind eye to havoc wrought against our partners in the region only sows greater instability.

At the same time Iran's oil exports were revealed earlier this month, Israel was waging a military operation against Iranian-backed Palestinian militia groups--Hamas and the Palestinian Islamic Jihad.

In Iraq, in addition to Tehran-backed militias that remain beyond government control, Iran is gaining ground in the Iraqi Government.

Scholar Michael Knights observed last month:

Iran's allies have achieved unprecedented control of Iraq's parliament, judiciary, and executive branch. . . . Washington's complacent attitude toward these events is only setting it up for costly involvement later.

The regime's ability, through the IRGC, to fund such efforts comes directly from the failure to enforce sanctions. The Wall Street Journal reports that oil exports are double what they were a year ago--the highest, as I said, since 2018. Oil revenue is the regime's lifeblood, and reducing its cash stream is a critical component to getting Iran to negotiate.

I call on this administration to strictly enforce sanctions on Iran's oil exports and pressure countries that help to facilitate the sale of Iranian oil.

In a bipartisan letter I joined with 25 of my colleagues just recently, we wrote the President last month:

It is crucial for your administration to remain aligned with Congressional efforts related to Iran's nuclear program and not agree to a pact that fails to achieve our nation's critical interests.

In the face of a regime in which hardliners have solidified power, President Biden's narrowly focused approach merely kicks the can down the road. But this may be to Iran's advantage. In fact, it most likely is. Current trends indicate that Iran will use the time to refill its coffers and deepen its diplomatic ties, better positioning itself to withstand pressure to make any significant concessions.

The administration must pursue more than the bare minimum in its diplomacy. Keeping a problem from developing into a crisis is good, but solving the problem is much better. I recognize the obstacles that must be overcome and that we will have to provide some concessions. To believe otherwise would ignore the history of diplomacy. But in accord with the will of Congress, an acceptable agreement can be reached. President Biden has the tools we have provided through that legislation, and he must use them.

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