Directing the President, Pursuant to Section 5(C) of the War Powers Resolution, to Remove All United States Armed Forces, Other Than United States Armed Forces Assigned to Protect the United States Embassy, From Somalia

Floor Speech

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Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to H. Con. Res. 30.

This resolution was drafted in such a way that it is simultaneously overbroad and underinclusive. The resolution fails to end our involvement in hostilities in the region while preventing crucial security cooperation with local partners in Somalia.

The resolution states that the United States forces must withdraw from Somalia, unless they are there for the purposes of protecting the Embassy.

Historically, war powers resolutions such as this are thought of as attempting to force the President to withdraw American troops from a foreign country that are actively engaged in combat, but our forces on the ground in Somalia are there to provide security training and intelligence support.

Our footprint in Somalia is not large. We have several hundred troops stationed in the country primarily to train host-nation troops in countering terrorism.

The sponsor of this legislation sometimes references the lost blood and treasure from our overseas engagements. These are obviously essential considerations. It is why I supported President Biden's decision to end the war in Afghanistan. But no American has been killed in Somalia in over 4 years, and our security cooperation and assistance to the country amounts to a rounding error in the Federal budget.

It is a fact that Al-Shabaab and other terrorist organizations like ISIS control large swaths of territory in Somalia, but local forces from the Somali Government and the African Union Transition Mission in Somalia have made steady gains the past several years. United States forces have been instrumental in some of these changes because of the very training and intelligence support we provide to local forces on the ground.

By mandating that our forces cease security cooperation in Somalia, this resolution would roll back some of the gains that have been made to take back territory from terrorist organizations in the past several years.

This measure doesn't end American hostilities in the region. It includes nothing about removing American forces from other nations in the region where groups like Al-Shabaab operate, and it does nothing to address over-the-horizon strikes.

While I disagree with this measure, let me say that what I do agree with is that we are having this debate. It is one that is long overdue. American forces have been in Somalia and other parts of the world without proper engagement from the United States Congress.

While I understand the logic that both Republican and Democratic administrations have used to include groups like Al-Shabaab under the 2001 AUMF, I can tell you that Members of Congress did not believe that they were authorizing force against Al-Shabaab when we passed the legislation decades ago. I can tell you this not just because I was here when Congress voted on that AUMF but because Al-Shabaab didn't even exist in September 2001.

I believe, though, that the proper way to address the issues of matters of war and peace in Somalia is not through a legally dubious resolution such as this. I agree with Representative James in this, and we should work together, all three of us, I believe, because the right way to address this issue is through a repeal of the 2001 AUMF and its replacement with a narrow force authorization that provides the President authority to combat selected terrorists in selected countries where the United States' national security is at stake.

Mr. Speaker, I have introduced just such a resolution, and I look forward to working with my colleagues on that. H.J. Res. 52, which narrows the list of terrorist organizations the executive branch can strike, limits the number of countries in which we could engage in hostilities, places curbs on executive branch additions of associated forces and successor groups, and includes a sunset requiring Congress to reauthorize the legislation.

Reasserting Congress' proper role over matters of war and peace while ensuring that the President has the necessary authorities to strike those who mean to do us harm can be and is a tough balance to strike. I believe wholeheartedly it is our responsibility to make some of those hard decisions. We cannot punt it or give it off just to the executive. I am willing to work with my colleagues on both sides of the aisle to strike a balance.

Let's take a look at H.J. Res. 52. From the debate we are having today, I think that we have some of the basics of what we agree with, that it is this body that the Constitution empowered to make sure there are checks and balances on the executive.

Unfortunately, I cannot say that about H. Con. Res. 30 before us today. Therefore, I must oppose this legislation, urge my colleagues to do the same. Let's come together as Members of the United States House of Representatives and take our responsibility. Let's repeal and replace the 2001 AUMF and move forward.

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Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Chair, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, let me just say, this debate is long overdue. We happen to be talking about the AUMF. I would hope that we end up having more debates on this floor talking about the continent of Africa, who has long been left off the debate in the United States Congress, which is a continent that we have got to focus on. I look forward to working with Mr. James as the chair of that subcommittee.

We need to focus on the stability of Africa, the stability of its governments and its institutions, because if we don't, it is at our own danger. We should be doing it because it is the right thing. We should be listening to those allies that we have on the continent and to those Presidents, because they are the ones who are at threat and in danger of being destroyed by terrorist groups who have now moved over the continent.

We have got to have this debate more and more and make sure that Africa is on our front burner, not our back burner. Because if Africa continues to be on our back burner, we will see Russia and China, as Mr. James has indicated, and others jumping in. We will see Wagner coming in to secure these countries. Let's have this debate.

Omar), who came to the United States from the continent of Africa.

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Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I want to clarify for Mr. Mills that when I mentioned we had not had any deaths in Somalia, I said in the last 4 years. I was acknowledging what happened before. In the last 4 years we have not lost any American troops in Somalia.

Let me also say, as I said earlier, I am happy that we are having this debate and talking about the continent of Africa. If we do that, we have to listen to the African--I can just recall, and sometimes many of my colleagues, especially on the other side of the aisle, argue that we don't get the votes we need at times in the U.N. from African countries.

I recall when we were trying to get votes in regard to Russia's illegal invasion into Ukraine, and I had to call on African ambassadors. They said: Now you are calling? We haven't heard from the United States for a while. Now you want something from me?

We have been asking for assistance in regard to security, and then I watched to see what was taking place when we looked at our diplomacy. It took over two decades before, in the 117th Congress, we passed a State Department authorization bill, and we had to do that through the NDAA as opposed to saying we were going to stand strongly on diplomacy.

Guess what China did during that period of time? They doubled their diplomacy budget.

Guess what else is happening? For the first time, China has more consulates than the United States of America.

General Kelly said that either we do and get engaged in more diplomacy, or we are going to have to spend more money on bullets.

We have an opportunity to engage and listen to allies and work with our allies. Many allies have more, and should have more, responsibility on the continent because they colonized it and are working with us collectively to try to make sure that the Chinas and the Russias of the world are not invested and that we are invested, and we are not.

It is our challenge, and I hope that when we get past this debate, we will be able to have another one. I look forward to doing it, particularly in our committee, so that we can figure out collectively, as Ms. Ilhan Omar said, how we can work together and listen to make sure that we have an overall strategy.

I say this in regard to both parties. I say this to the administration that should be doing more on the continent of Africa.

So, yes, this is not a partisan debate. This is an American debate. This is an opportunity to be attentive to a continent that is the fastest growing and the youngest on this planet but that we have ignored for far too long.

We have to wake up and do more for the continent of Africa and figure out diplomacy, figure out how we can help protect them from being victimized by terrorism, and figure out how we can strengthen institutions.

We have a lot of work to do. We have to figure out how we reauthorize AGOA, figure out how we work with the African Union, and figure out how we work with the African organizations. That is our challenge because, if not, we imperil ourselves.

I could agree that this is not just an investment in the continent; it is an investment for America and America's leadership.

Let's lead.

Jackson Lee).

Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Speaker, let me thank the gentleman for his distinguished leadership as the manager on this floor and, certainly, the proponent of this resolution. I know it came with good intentions.

Let me indicate the wisdom of a young college student some many years ago when I offered to my college for my winning traveling fellowship that I would go to the continent of Africa. Everyone else would go to places well defined and well recognized. I told them that I wanted to take the fellowship that I had received to travel to West Africa, and I did, from then-Togo-and-Dahomey--obviously, changed names to Cote d'Ivoire--to Ghana and Nigeria, and I studied, seeing the potential even then.

I am gratified to be in this Congress to be able to have the leadership of our chairman and our ranking member on the Foreign Affairs Committee to recognize the cruciality of our purpose on the continent.

It was members of the Congressional Black Caucus who organized to say how important it was under the George W. Bush administration that the Africa Command be set up. It was crucial in the bloody fight in Liberia for that command to be set up, and only without shooting one gun were they able to begin to bring peace.

So, I rise with great concern and opposition to H. Con. Res. 30 because I have realized the importance of the Africa Command because it has elements of diplomacy.

I am glad that President Biden reversed Trump's get-out-of-town and get-out-of-Dodge-quick resolution to, in fact, leave a footprint of 500, who are helping us bring down Al-Shabaab, bring down al-Qaida, and boost up the Somalian partners of which our soldiers are working through and working to degrade Al-Shabaab's ability to plot external operations while building the capacities of our partner.

The rest of Africa is watching. If they try to be peaceful and to stand up a democratic entity, do they have a powerful force like the United States?

I, too, want a full debate on the Authorization for Use of Military Force. I have been here for 9/11 and afterward, and I, too, believe that it is our duty.

What I will say at this time is that we should not remove those troops from Somalia.

I ask my colleague to join with his committee and engage in debate on the AUMF, but I want to protect the Somalian people, Africa, and I want to protect the interests of democracy and the United States of America.

Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong opposition to H.Con. Res. 30--Directing the President, pursuant to section 5(c) of the War Powers Resolution, to remove all United States Armed Forces, other than United States Armed Forces assigned to protect the United States Embassy, from Somalia.

This concurrent resolution directs the President to remove all U.S. Armed Forces from Somalia, other than those assigned to protect the U.S. embassy in Somalia, within 365 days of the adoption of this concurrent resolution.

Premature withdrawal would risk reversal of critical counterterrorism and governance gain.

Al-Shabaab is al-Qaida's largest and best--financed affiliate in the world and has repeatedly demonstrated its intent and capability to launch lethal and complex attacks against U.S. citizens in east Africa and beyond.

Al-Shabaab has killed more than a dozen U.S. citizens since 2014-- more than all of al-Qaida's other affiliates combined during the same period.

U.S. forces, 500-900 working through Somali partners, seek to degrade Al-Shabaab's ability to plot external operations while building the capacities of our partners.

The small but effective U.S. military presence supports a critical counterterrorism mission by working with partners forces.

There is no legal basis for this legislation.

The resolution is based on section 5(c) of the War Powers Resolution. But section 5(c) of the War Powers Resolution applies only when our forces are engaged in hostilities without statutory basis.

In this case, there a statutory basis for U.S. actions in Somalia, as U.S. forces are supporting hostilities against Al-Shabaab and al-Qaida in Somalia--both of which are covered by the 2001 Authorization to Use Military Force.

Since July 2022, the Federal Government of Somalia has retaken more territory than the previous five years combined.

U.S. military presence is a vital component of efforts to improve local partners capacity and local conditions to the point that our presence is no longer needed.

The persistent presence of a modest number of U.S. forces increases the effectiveness of the DoD's training efforts and bolsters its credibility as a consistent and durable partner for Somali forces.

The DoD's presence in Somalia forms the backbone of a whole--of-- government approach that layer's diplomacy, security assistance, stabilization programing, and intelligence operations to counter Al- Shabaab and address the conditions that have allowed it to thrive.

I urge all my colleagues to oppose H.Con. Res. 30.

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Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I have no further speakers, and I reserve the balance of my time.

I, again, oppose this resolution because it is not an effective or constitutionally sound approach to resolving the war powers questions in Somalia that many of us here are, in fact, looking to address.

This resolution will harm U.S. interests in the Horn of Africa and make the American people less safe.

Mr. Speaker, I say to my colleagues who are serious about asserting Congress' constitutional role on issues of war and peace: I have some encouragement from this debate that we will have further debates talking about Congress' responsibility.

I look forward to joining with the gentleman from Florida where I heard him talk about how climate change is affecting many of the areas on the continent. I look forward to working with him in that regard.

I look forward to working with him and hope that we can get the Speaker to bring over the repeal of the AUMF of 2002 that the Senate recently has voted on that we passed 2 years ago in the 117th Congress. I will come out of here looking at some areas on which we can work collectively.

I urge the gentleman to join me to talk and work so that we can repeal and replace the 2001 AUMF with a narrower and time-bound scope.

The issues we are discussing here today are pressing and relevant, but there is a better approach. I look forward to undertaking that approach with both of my colleagues on the floor and all of my colleagues on a bipartisan basis and hope that we will have this conversation and work closely together.

Let me also make a correction. I gave credit to General Kelly on the statement of if we don't put more money into diplomacy, we have got to spend more on bullets. That was General James Mattis. I want to make sure I give proper credit to the proper person in our military.

Let's work together. I think we have a real window of opportunity. The President of South Korea, who just gave a wonderful speech here, talked about how we won World War II and the Korean war together with our allies, saving democracies, putting our values first. Let's do it.

Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to join me in opposing this resolution, and let's work together in a bipartisan manner, particularly to help the continent of Africa, and I yield back the balance of my time.

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