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Floor Speech

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Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, this morning, Members of Congress received an update on the situation in Ukraine directly from President Zelenskyy. His presentation was powerful and heart-wrenching. It reinforced our sympathy, our outrage, and our resolve.

President Zelenskyy's courage and leadership have earned the attention and the admiration of the entire free world. He has marshaled Ukraine's brave and defiant resistance against Russian invasion. He has steeled the resolve of his people beyond what anybody expected and offered the entire world a master class in leadership.

This morning, President Zelenskyy didn't mince words about what Ukraine needs urgently to keep up the fight: more lethal capabilities and heavier sanctions against Russia and especially the air defense systems that we should have helped Ukraine get weeks ago. His people face a long and difficult road ahead, and the entire world knows what they are up against.

The scale of Russia's aggression wasn't just foreseeable; it was foreseen. For 30 years, every step toward democracy and sovereignty in Eastern Europe has tempted the wrath of revanchist autocrats like Putin. That is why I have asked the Biden administration early and often to demonstrate America's commitment to our allies and partners most squarely in Russia's crosshairs.

Last June, 8 months before the Russian invasion, I urged the President to ``provide serious, lethal support to Ukraine and other vulnerable states on the front lines of Putin's aggressions''--8 months ago. In December, I specifically called on President Biden to deploy extra U.S. forces to reinforce NATO's eastern flank--last December. I urged his administration to expedite and expand shipments of lethal aid like anti-aircraft and anti-tank weapons. But, as we know, a security assistance package for Ukraine sat down at the White House for months before being approved. Once approved, efforts to transfer the weapons moved at the speed of bureaucracy. And the President waited until February to order U.S. personnel to the frontlines.

The Biden administration had over a year to get this right. They had a year to translate rhetorical support for NATO into leading real, collective defense. But they took 5 months to even nominate an ambassador to the alliance.

On the campaign trail, President Biden called Putin a ``KGB thug.'' He was right about that. But after 1 week in office, he announced an agreement with the Kremlin to extend the New START treaty for up to 5 years, reducing our leverage to get a better deal that caps Putin's nuclear ambitions.

As the threats to Ukraine gathered, whenever an opportunity to act has presented itself, the Biden administration has hesitated until political pressure became overwhelming or balked outright.

Since Russia's invasion began, the administration has publicly shot down efforts from a NATO ally to get working aircraft to Ukrainian pilots. Last Monday, the White House scuttled a bipartisan congressional bill to end normal trade relations with Russia, only to make a public show on Friday of calling for exactly the same action.

At every step of the way--every step of the way--the self-deterred White House has insisted its hesitation and restraint was aimed at avoiding escalation, but at every step, Putin has escalated.

Now, 3 weeks into Putin's invasion, the reality on the ground is evolving. It is harder now than it would have been a few months ago to keep the pipeline of weapons and supplies and intelligence for Ukraine's brave resistance open. Russia's air offensive in particular is hitting a deadlier, more aggressive stride. But, as I have been saying literally for months, it is not too late for the Biden administration to do the right thing. So here is what President Biden should be doing right now:

No. 1, he should use the money and authorities we have just provided him to expand the scope of our lethal aid to Ukraine to include more effective, longer range air defense capabilities. That means working with NATO allies with urgency to get Ukrainian pilots more aircraft and munitions and facilitating the transfer of weapons Ukraine's forces are most familiar with, like air defense systems from countries with stockpiles of Soviet legacy systems. President Zelenskyy specifically pleaded for these air defense systems this morning--this morning.

No. 2, President Biden should deploy more U.S. forces to reinforce NATO's eastern flank and use the new drawdown and loan guarantee authorities to help harden the defenses of our frontline allies and partners. Many of these partners are generously helping Ukraine, and we should help them backfill their inventories with more modern American capabilities that will improve NATO's interoperability and bolster deterrence at the same time.

No. 3, on a trip to Europe next week, President Biden should go beyond Brussels. He should go to countries like Poland, Romania, or Lithuania to meet with NATO eastern flank allies. He should look beyond NATO to deepen our diplomatic security cooperation with important American partners like Finland and Sweden.

Finally, if President Biden wants the United States to lead our allies by example and to keep pace with adversaries like Russia and China, the place to start is with robust investments in our own defense capabilities. The coming year's appropriations process is an opportunity to finally--finally--show we are serious.

Vladimir Putin has proven to the world that he is willing to stoop low in pursuit of power, and he has shown us exactly--exactly--how he responds to weakness. We cannot afford to stay behind the curve. America must lead and lead with strength.

A few minutes ago, President Zelenskyy reminded us that the United States is, indeed, the leader of the free world, so it is time we acted like it.

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