Prohibiting Russian Participation in G7

Floor Speech

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Mr. ESPAILLAT. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill (H.R. 8259) to prohibit Russian participation in the G7, and for other purposes, as amended.

The Clerk read the title of the bill.

The text of the bill is as follows: H.R. 8259

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, SECTION 1. PROHIBITION ON RUSSIAN PARTICIPATION IN THE G7.

(a) Limitation.--Notwithstanding any other provision of law, no Federal funds are authorized to be appropriated to take any action to support or facilitate--

(1) the participation of Russia in a Group of Seven proceeding; or

(2) the reconstitution of the Group of Eight to include Russia.

(b) Termination.--Subsection (a) shall cease to have any force or effect after the date on which--

(1) the Secretary of State and the Director of National Intelligence, in consultation with the Secretary of Homeland Security and the Director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation, certify to the appropriate congressional committees and leadership that the Government of Russia, and all persons acting as an agent of or otherwise on behalf of such government, has halted all interference in United States elections or elections of the other members of the Group of Seven, members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the European Union, and other allies and partners; and

(2) the Secretary of State, in consultation with the Director of National Intelligence, determines and certifies to the appropriate congressional committees and leadership that the Government of Russia, and all persons acting as an agent of or otherwise on behalf of such government, has--

(A) ended its illegal occupation of Crimea and is fully complying with its commitments under the Minsk agreement with respect to Eastern Ukraine;

(B) ended its illegal occupation of South Ossetia and Abkhazia and will support efforts for the reintegration of these regions with the Republic of Georgia; and

(C) withdrawn its troops and armaments from Transnistria and fully respects Moldova's sovereignty and territorial integrity.

(c) Report.--Not later than 60 days after the date of the enactment of this Act, the Secretary of State, in coordination with the Director of National Intelligence and in consultation with the heads of other relevant Federal departments and agencies, shall submit to the appropriate congressional committees and leadership a report on the threats and challenges of Russia to NATO and the United States in Afghanistan and to United States efforts to counter such threats and challenges, including--

(1) an assessment of support provided by the Government of Russia, and all persons acting as an agent of or otherwise on behalf of such government, for Taliban-linked militants, including--

(A) the provision of defense articles, defense services, or technology (as such terms are defined and described in the Arms Export Control Act (22 U.S.C. 2751 et seq.)) or financial assistance for purposes that undermine or run counter to the principles agreed upon in the Agreement for Bringing Peace to Afghanistan entered into on February 29, 2020;

(B) financial transactions, including transactions made through the hawala system, between the individuals and entities of the Government of Russia, or individuals or entities acting in connection with that government, to Taliban-linked militants, other militants with connections to Afghanistan, and their intermediaries; and

(C) any alleged program to incentivize the killing of United States or NATO coalition soldiers by the Government of Russia or any other foreign government;

(2) a description of United States Government efforts to engage in diplomatic efforts with Russia and the governments of NATO coalition allies and partners to counter Russian malign influence in Afghanistan; and

(3) a description of the views of the governments of other NATO members, including heads of government, political leaders, and military commanders in the region on Russian interference and malign influence in Afghanistan.

(d) Appropriate Congressional Committees and Leadership.-- In this section, the term ``appropriate congressional committees and leadership'' means--

(1) the Committee on Foreign Affairs, the Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence, the Committee on Homeland Security, and the Speaker, the majority leader, and the minority leader of the House of Representatives; and

(2) the Committee on Foreign Relations, the Select Committee on Intelligence, the Committee on Homeland Security, and the majority leader and the minority leader of the Senate.

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Mr. ESPAILLAT. 8259.

Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this measure, and I thank the author, my friend, Mr. Meeks from New York, a senior member of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, for his leadership and hard work.

Throughout this Congress, the committee has focused on measures to counter Russian aggression and hold President Putin accountable for the unlawful invasion and attempted annexation of Crimea. But President Trump has flagrantly ignored the pleas of our allies and attempted to invite Russia back into the G7 despite its continued aggression in Ukraine, Georgia, and other sovereign countries near its border.

Putin and his cronies must be held accountable for their actions. And for Trump to put out the welcome mat for Russia would be a slap in the face to our allies and the Ukrainian citizens living in Crimea.

This important bipartisan bill would prevent the U.S. Government from facilitating Russian participation in the G7, or a reconstituted G8, and requires a report about Russia's nefarious relationships with the Taliban in Afghanistan and any bounty program it instituted for the killing of American troops.

Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support this measure, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. SMITH of New Jersey.

Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of H.R. 8259, which prohibits Russian participation in the G7. I thank my friend and colleague, Mr. Meeks, for authoring this bill.

As I have said time and time again, Vladimir Putin is not a friend of the United States nor of our allies.

In the past few years, we have witnessed his regime invade and occupy parts of Ukraine and certainly Georgia in South Ossetia and Abkhazia; unleash devastating cyberattacks against our allies; prop up corrupt regimes in Syria and Venezuela; use a banned nerve agent to try to kill a former Russian spy, as we just saw with the resolution that preceded this, opposition activist Alexey Navalny; meddle in our elections; and much more.

The Russian President's actions speak for themselves. At almost every opportunity, Putin pursues policies that undermine American and allied interests around the world.

The Group of Seven is a forum that brings together like-minded democracies to tackle important global issues. A dangerous and corrupt dictator that assassinates his own people cannot be trusted to be a reasonable partner on the world stage. We must not turn a blind eye to this reality.

This bill would prohibit Russia from being readmitted to the Group of Seven until Putin fully restores the territorial integrity of Ukraine, parts of Georgia, and Moldova, and stops interfering in the democratic processes of the United States and our allies.

The bill also demonstrates that Congress takes very seriously the safety of American troops serving overseas--it is our utmost priority-- and that we remain concerned about the challenges Russia poses to U.S. and NATO efforts to bring peace and stability to Afghanistan.

Maintaining the integrity of the Group of Seven is vital to its success. Russia cannot be invited back in while Vladimir Putin continues to undermine the efforts of democratic states to build a freer and more prosperous world.

Mr. Speaker, I have no more requests for time, and I yield back the balance of my time.

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Mr. ESPAILLAT. Jackson Lee).

Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Speaker, I thank the distinguished gentleman from New York (Mr. Espaillat) for yielding, and the distinguished gentleman from New York (Mr. Meeks) for proposing this legislation, along with his colleagues, Mr. Kinzinger and all the Members who are supporting H.R. 8259 that deals with the admission of Russia into the G7.

The reason I think this is crucial legislation that I would hope that we would move swiftly to the United States Senate, the other body, and move swiftly for a signature, ultimately, of the President of the United States, is because this is a move that seems afoot with little consultation of the other members of the G7.

Anyone listening to this, the American people, might be reminded that Russia fought against the Nazis. One might say they were on the good side in World War II. There have been moments where we have been able to collaborate with Russia on important issues relevant to all of us, Europe and beyond. But it certainly is disappointing under the leadership of their present head of government that they have seemingly sought not only to quash dissent but to kill dissent.

Just a few minutes ago, we heard of the poisoning of one of the largest dissenters in Russia. It has happened before. It will happen again.

Is the G7 an organization that coddles and comforts those who would poison dissent or undermine dissent? Or are we a group that may not agree all the time but truly believes in human rights and the dignity of all people and, yes, the understanding that dissent is part of the democratic principles? I am appalled at the attempt to kill dissent.

Then, of course, you have to be concerned about the absolute, unfettered intrusion and caring less about the people of Ukraine, Crimea, and certainly places in surrounding Eastern Europe. They are in fear of their lives--the shooting down of an innocent commercial airline and the complete denial of such.

Belarus, the whole question of Moldova, all of these places are subject to the whims of Russia.

Now, if there was a completely different policy, foreign aid, a foreign relations policy of cooperation and collaboration, there is certainly the opportunity for G7 members to talk with Russia in any other forum. But I think when we are supporting NATO, we recognize the importance of that alliance. We also understand the strength of that alliance, recognizing the importance of that alliance in Afghanistan and, yes, in Iraq.

To admit, because of a personal relationship between a head of state and Russia's head of state, I think it is unacceptable.

Let me also say something that is strikingly disturbing at this point. Yes, the President has the right to hire and fire his or her Cabinet. In the last 4 days or so, the then-existing Secretary of Defense was precipitously fired. We don't have the inner workings and decisions of that. Maybe his work performance wasn't up to par. It doesn't seem like that is the case.

Then, all of a sudden, a new person is ultimately an interim Acting Secretary of Defense, one of the most strategic and important parts of our Nation.

Having been here through 9/11, there was a transition of government. Look who struck. Not Russia, of course, but Osama bin Laden on 9/11.

Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Speaker, now we have a circumstance where the newly appointed Acting Secretary of Defense is saying that our troops will be cut in half.

I understand, the Joint Chiefs, if I am correct, have not been consulted or they have not made that decision. And that means, is that opening the door more for Russia into Afghanistan and Iraq? Is that jeopardizing our troops?

These are questions that tie into relationships between Russia and now, presently, the United States.

I think we have to make a firm statement against the G7, and I ask that we question the decision to withdraw troops, not because I have not been against the wars, but because I believe our troops should be assessed as their security and also our mission.

Mr. Speaker, I ask for the support of this legislation.

Mr. Speaker, again, I thank Congressman Meeks for his hard work on this measure. I am very pleased to support this important measure, and I urge all Members to do the same.

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