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BURNETT: All right. Manu, thank you very much.
And I want to go now OUTFRONT now to the Democratic Senator from Delaware, Chris Coons, who sits on the Senate Judiciary Committee, has endorsed Joe Biden for president.
[19:05:00]
Senator, I appreciate your time. So you heard Manu going through the math there, Mitch McConnell says no witnesses and he just needs 51 senators to agree with him on that to block it. He's got 53 Republicans, but you heard Manu going through that perhaps there are some of them who may support witnesses, may not ultimately support removing the President from office, but they would support witnesses in a more fulsome trial.
Do you see any of them right now stepping up going against the majority leader and siding with Schumer on this?
SEN. CHRIS COONS (D-DE): Well, I think it's possible, Erin. If they put the country's best interests ahead of narrow or partisan interests, because frankly the President didn't put on a defense in the House. The House impeachment inquiry saw witness after witness testify that President Trump did the things that he's alleged to have done and the President blocked folks who were in the room, who were part of the decision making process to hold up the military aid to Ukraine or to demand the sort of quid pro quo that's allege.
That's how leader Schumer came up with this list of four witnesses. They're the folks who could clear President Trump, if President Trump would allow them to testify. So if you're going to have a fair trial, we've got all of the evidence and the witnesses that were developed by the House Intelligence Committee through their inquiry.
What we don't have is the folks who the President blocked from testifying. If the President's got a defense, this would be the moment for him to present it and there may will be four Republican senators who say, we should hear from the folks who can answer the question what did the President know and when did he know it and why did he make these decisions.
BURNETT: So Senator John Cornyn is making the case, obviously, a member of GOP leadership. But he's saying, look, if this is what you all wanted, then you should have had the House Democrats pursue through the courts, get this testimony so it was part of the record. And I'm referring, obviously, to Mick Mulvaney, John Bolton, anybody else that Senate Democrats are now asking to hear from.
Do you think House Democrats ended their work too soon, that they should have pursued that themselves?
COONS: Well, I think it would have taken literally months to go to a court and to compel compliance with congressional subpoenas. That's what we've seen in previous investigations when the House has been run by Republicans and by Democrats in different periods in modern history. Courts are very reluctant to enforce congressional subpoenas to testify.
I'll remind you even President Nixon during the Watergate hearings and Watergate inquiry, directed his cabinet and his closest advisors to comply with congressional subpoenas. President Trump despite saying publicly, "Oh, sure, I'd love for Mick Mulvaney to go up and testify," is the one who chose to direct his cabinet, his subordinates to not testify.
So I frankly think it's a red herring to suggest that it's the House Democrats' fault that they didn't spend months going to court to try and get President Trump's closest advisors to testify.
BURNETT: What do you think, McConnell obviously - well, maybe he didn't remember exactly what he said in 1999 but certainly he remembered his point of view. Does he - he doesn't care? I mean, it's almost absurd. He's saying the exact opposite. He's making Chuck Schumer's argument as well or better than Chuck Schumer is himself about a modest, only three witnesses back in 1999. I mean, what do you say to Mitch McConnell?
COONS: Well, this is another challenging moment where Majority Leader McConnell, rather than simply being the majority leader of the Republican caucus, should be taking steps that are in the best interest of history, of the standing of the Senate and our constitutional order and of our national security. And that means holding President Trump accountable.
There's nothing about his recent record with regards to the impeachment inquiry that suggests he's about to do that, but that is what the role of the majority leader of the Senate should call him to do. BURNETT: We spoke a few weeks ago and it was right after one of the
most contentious impeachment hearings in the house. And that night you were rather subdued, Senator. You seem down about it.
COONS: Yes.
BURNETT: You said when you tried to talk to your Republican friends in the Senate, they either try to change the subject, they wouldn't talk about it and you said it's been frankly quite difficult to get anyone to concede that the President's defense stands in tatters. Have any of your Republican friends since then told you that they might vote to convict Trump. Have you sensed any change?
COONS: No. What's striking to me is how a number of my colleagues who when the whistleblower report was initially covered in the press said, oh, well, if that happened, that clearly be a bad thing for America, that might well be impeachable. There's no one that I've spoken with in the Republican caucus today who is saying that they believe that President Trump committed an impeachable offense.
That's because they're, I think, redefining what is an impeachable offense downward. And they're saying, yes, he might have put some pressure on Ukraine. Yes, he might have dangled aid, but that's not really impeachable. I continue to have conversations.
[19:10:02]
I've got colleagues in both parties who'd like to see both sides get to present their case, but hope that the impeachment trial won't interfere with our doing the business of the American people. We've got big bills moving this week on appropriations and defense, but I haven't found anyone who is saying privately or publicly that they would consider voting to remove the President who's in the other party.
BURNETT: All right. I appreciate your time. Senator Coons, thank you.
COONS: Thanks, Erin.
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