Providing for Consideration of H.R. Student Borrower Credit Improvement Act, and Providing for Consideration of Senate Amendment to H.R. Merchant Mariners of World War II Congressional Gold Medal Act of 2019

Floor Speech

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Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Raskin) for yielding me the time and for his leadership on the Rules Committee.

Madam Speaker, something has been happening over the last few decades. Power meant to be held in these Halls, granted to us by the Constitution, intentionally given to us by our Founders, has ended up instead in the hands of whoever sat in the Oval Office.

It wasn't stolen by any particular President. No, Madam Speaker. We gave it away.

Congresses run by both parties surrendered it to Democratic and Republican administrations alike year after year after year.

Nowhere is this more pronounced than when it comes to matters of war and peace. Make no mistake, the Constitution is clear on this: The President may be Commander in Chief, but only Congress has the power to declare war. It is right there in Article I, Section 8.

But we abdicated that responsibility. We have been too content to stand on the sidelines and watch as wars were crafted and carried out by the White House with virtually no input from the people's House.

Our troops, the very people we represent, have received orders to deploy. Taxpayer dollars have been shoveled overseas. Policies have changed from one administration to the next. But too often, Congress remained silent, not because we were too engaged on other urgent matters, but because we feared the political risk of a vote.

Many of our colleagues, on a bipartisan basis, have tried to force debates and votes. I have joined many of my colleagues, from Adam Smith and Barbara Lee and Ro Khanna to Tom Cole and Walter Jones and Matt Gaetz.

In fact, I have stood here more than two dozen times and pleaded for the chance to vote on many conflicts, like Afghanistan, Iraq, and Syria.

Too often, these simple calls for debate were ignored, but these are precisely the issues our constituents sent us here to debate, the hard ones, the ones where lives are at stake.

Now, I don't care who is President. I don't care who controls the House. When our troops are ordered to engage, they do not do so casually. And once they are deployed, it is not easy for them to withdraw. We all know this. Wars are easy to start but are very, very hard to end.

This is why how they begin is the most crucial decision. It cannot be left to one person. The Constitution enshrines that power in our hands, the people's representatives, the people's voice, and the people's House.

Today, Madam Speaker, the process of reclaiming that authority begins. This rule contains two measures.

The first is a resolution from Congresswoman Lee to repeal the 2002 Iraq AUMF. For nearly two decades, this AUMF has been used by multiple Presidents to unilaterally engage our troops in conflicts that Congress never imagined when it was first passed.

It was used to justify the recent strike against Iranian General Soleimani.

If you think the consequences are limited, bear in mind that 34 more of our troops now suffer from traumatic brain injuries from Iran's retaliatory strike.

Pay attention to the words of Marine General Frank McKenzie, U.S. commander in the Middle East, who told our troops on Thursday that 20,000 newly deployed troops to the region could be there for ``quite a while.''

Repealing this AUMF isn't just about ensuring that this President cannot use it as justification for asserting military force without proper congressional authorization. This vote is about ensuring that no President can.

The second item included in this rule is legislation from Congressman Khanna to prohibit funding for military action against Iran that is not authorized by Congress.

The situation with Iran remains volatile. If tensions should escalate again and President Trump wants to use military force, he must come to Congress first, period.

These measures passed overwhelmingly as bipartisan amendments to the House-passed NDAA bill last year. These are not new items or new ideas. Unfortunately, both were stripped out of the bill in final conference.

It is my hope that this House will again approve these measures and that the Senate will recognize the urgency of their passage.

Madam Speaker, I have heard a lot of talk about what it means to support our troops. Let me just say this: We respect their service when we give them an honest, thoughtful debate about their sacrifice, about possible deployments that impact not only them but their families and their loved ones.

Members of our military put their lives on the line for this country. The least we can do is have the guts to vote on their fate.

Let's respect our troops. Let's respect this institution. Let's finally get back to respecting the Constitution, doing our jobs, and voting on issues of war and peace.

I have to tell you, I am just sick and tired of hearing excuse after excuse, not only now, but over the last several years, from my colleagues as to why we can't have these debates, why we can't vote on these issues.

Madam Speaker, it is time now for my colleagues to support the rule and the underlying measure.

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