Departments of Commerce and Justice, Science, and Related Agencies for Fiscal Year 2006-- Conference Report

DEPARTMENTS OF COMMERCE AND JUSTICE, SCIENCE, AND RELATED AGENCIES FOR FISCAL YEAR 2006--CONFERENCE REPORT -- (Senate - November 15, 2005)

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Mr. CORNYN. Mr. President, I wish to speak briefly about the events this morning, the votes we had prior to our adoption of the Defense Department authorization bill, particularly on the Frist, Warner, and Levin amendments, and try to put this in some context.

First of all, I think we would all agree that our young men and women in uniform who are fighting for freedom's cause in Iraq and Afghanistan and elsewhere are doing a magnificent job, one that they have volunteered to do since we no longer have had the draft. Only people who want to be in our military join our military. Certainly we have nothing but honor and respect for those who put themselves in harm's way in order to make us safer and, beyond that, to engage in the noble cause of delivering the blessings of liberty to those who have known nothing more than the boot heel of a tyrant, as 25 million or so have in Iraq, and those who lived under the Taliban--a similar number--where al-Qaida trained, recruited, and exported its terror in Afghanistan before we were able to turn both of those countries toward the path of democracy and self-determination as peaceful states.

I regret that this war in which we are engaged, the global war on terror, with its central front being in Iraq today, has become such a political football. Unfortunately, we see it is just too tempting a target to partisans, some partisans, to try to engage in revisionist history in order to score political points or, as we have seen this morning, an attempt to impose an arbitrary deadline on the withdrawal of our troops in a way that would jeopardize everything that we have invested in terms of our young men and women, the lives lost, the injuries sustained, and the treasure we have invested in an effort to try to restore Iraq to a self-governing democracy.

I wish to be clear that I am not questioning the patriotism of those who supported this arbitrary timetable for withdrawal in voting for the Levin amendment, but I am questioning their judgment. I think it is simply too important for us to engage in the partisan push and shove here on the floor of the Senate when there is so much at stake. To me it seems clear that a vote on the Levin amendment today was a bipartisan rejection of an artificial timetable for withdrawal.

I have already seen some of the Web sites and even fundraising appeals that have taken place ever since these amendments were voted on. That is the kind of world we live in here in Washington, inside this big fishbowl where politics sometimes overtakes people's common sense or sense of duty. This clearly was not a Democrat victory, to change Iraq policy as some have already suggested, the spin doctors, those who attempt to spin the message of what happens here on the floor for some partisan advantage. I regret that some are attempting to use this message for political gain. This should not be about whether Republicans have scored points or whether Democrats have scored points. Rather, this should be about our military strategy on the ground in Iraq that is being implemented as we speak to restore Iraq to a self-governing democracy.

How are we doing that? By a three-pronged plan that, No. 1, says we need to train the Iraqis to provide the security necessary so democracy can flourish; No. 2, to build basic infrastructure so the quality of life in Iraq is such that people feel they have a stake in the outcome, the success of this new democracy; and No. 3, to build democratic institutions, beginning with the passage of a constitution on October 15 and now leading up to election of their permanent government on December 15.

The people of Iraq have been through a lot in these last years. They have been through, even since the fall of Saddam, a lot of turmoil since government after government has been created in this transition to permanent self-government. It is a shame, it seems to me, that there are those who would call for an artificial deadline for withdrawal, unfortunately to try to generate public opinion in a way that breaks our resolve and increases the likelihood that we will leave before we get the job done.

I am grateful that a bipartisan majority of the Senate rejected that artificial timetable for withdrawal and made a commitment, as I see it, to stay and get the job done until Iraq gets back on its feet and has a reasonable chance of succeeding as a peaceful and democratic country.

Last week, our country celebrated Veterans Day, last Friday, the day we set aside each year to honor the bravery and the sacrifice of our men and women in uniform who serve our country. I had the chance, as did many of us, to return to my home State. I returned to Texas. I went to a ceremony at the Brazos Valley Veterans Memorial to honor these brave men and women. I have must say, I was struck once again at the great chasm that seems to separate the rest of America from the echo chamber here inside the beltway in Washington, DC. I was reminded of the differences in perception of what it is we are about and the obligation we have to support those men and women in

uniform who are fighting for what we believe in. We know they are fighting for what they believe in, and they do so even when the going gets tough. They do not cut and run when it becomes politically expedient to do so.

I had the chance to look across that audience. We had a large collection of World War II vets, people like my dad who flew in the Army Air Corps out of Molesworth, England, flying a B-17. Ultimately he was shot down and captured and spent 4 months in a German prison camp before General Patton and his colleagues came along and liberated him and his fellow POWs. But as I looked across that audience, I saw people like my dad, a generation that is certainly getting older and unfortunately leaving us at a relatively rapid pace. There were those present who had previously served, and there were some there who currently are serving. There were family members of loved ones who are now overseas and families of those who had paid the ultimate sacrifice.

Although the circumstances differed from person to person there in that audience, they all had several profound things in common. I don't know that I could tell you that every single person at that veterans event was in complete agreement with the decision of this President or this Congress to authorize the use of force to remove Saddam Hussein, but what I can tell you is that these people were all patriots. They support our troops 100 percent, and they support the ideals upon which our country was founded 100 percent. They know the contributions of our troops represent the Iraqi people's best hope for freedom and for democracy.

So while there may be some here in Washington--in fact, there are--who, of course, criticize what we are about and armchair generals who want to direct our combatant commanders and those who actually have the responsibility of conducting our national security and national defense operations, I thought it appropriate to point out that even though there are those who dramatically undervalue our efforts in Iraq, there is a huge chasm, it seemed to me, between what I saw there in Bryan-College Station at the Brazos Valley Veterans Memorial Friday night and what I hear argued in the halls of the U.S. Congress, including this morning. I am glad to report the obvious to all of us who live and represent constituencies around the country, that patriotism is alive and well, and our fellow citizens realize that we must continue to support our men and women in uniform in their brave and selfless and noble efforts.

I have come to this Chamber several times during the past few weeks to speak about the situation in Iraq and to do my small part in refuting the false charges by some partisans that the administration has manipulated intelligence in the lead-up to the war. I wish to reiterate my view that we must not let the politics of the moment undermine the path to democracy in Iraq. Such a decision, such yielding to such a temptation would be incredibly shortsighted considering how much has been accomplished in a relatively short period of time and how dear our investment has been, both in terms of the lives lost and the money the American taxpayer has committed to this noble effort. We must stay the course in Iraq.

If our troops were to leave prematurely, what would happen? It is likely that the country would collapse into chaos. Terrorists such as Ayman al-Zawahiri, al-Qaida's No. 2 operative and Osama bin Laden's deputy, and Abu Masab al-Zarqawi, al-Qaida's chief terrorist in Iraq and the one principally responsible for the terrorist attacks we saw last week in Jordan at the wedding reception that killed other innocent civilians--these are individuals who vowed to destroy America and everyone who stands in their way in their attempt to seize power.

A letter from Zawahiri and Zarqawi makes this threat exceedingly clear. If there is any doubt about who our enemy is and what their goals are--on which there should not be after September 11--all one needs to do is read this letter. It is easily available to anyone who wants to read it. It is found in full on the Web site of the Director of National Intelligence. That is www.dni.gov. In that letter, Zawahiri clearly describes al-Qaida's vision to establish an Islamic caliphate that would rule the Middle East, destroy Israel, and threaten the very existence of our way of life.

The consequences of a United States pullout from Iraq should not be in question, either. In this letter, Zawahiri tells Zarqawi that when the United States leaves Iraq, al-Qaida must be prepared to claim the most political territory possible in the inevitable vacuum of power that would arise.

Yes, that is right; a premature withdrawal of our troops from Iraq would create a safe haven for al-Qaida. Iraq would be more dangerous--not less--if we fail to finish the job. An early arbitrary withdrawal from Iraq would empower and embolden the sworn enemies of America and, indeed, all civilization and anybody who disagreed with them. Failure to stay the course and continuing to lay the foundations of a functioning democracy would result in more--not less--terrorist attacks.

Let me say that again because there are actually some who make the specious argument that our very presence in Iraq results in more terrorist attacks. But the failure to stay the course, the failure to finish the job that we started in Iraq, and to continue to lay the foundations of a functioning democracy, would result in more--not less--terrorist attacks.

This letter from Zawahiri to Zarqawi makes that clear. Once they see America leave Iraq, once they fill the vacuum that exists, that is where they would continue to train, that is where they would continue to recruit, and that is where they would continue to export terror. Anyone who believes there would not be a greater probability of our sustaining another 9/11 on our own soil is kidding themselves.

Some of the administration's critics are now arguing, as we heard this morning, for a timetable to withdraw from Iraq. Their actions are nothing more than an attempt to gain the attention of a concerned nation for political advantage rather than a serious strategy for victory. Armchair generals in Washington, DC, are hardly in a position to know what is the best military strategy in Iraq. We ought to listen to our combatant commanders, such as General Abizaid, the CENTCOM commander, and General Casey, who is in charge of coalition forces in Iraq. They have told us we have to finish the job, that we can finish the job, that there is no military on the face of the Earth that can defeat the United States of America; that the only one who can defeat the United States of America is the United States itself--by losing our resolve, by prematurely withdrawing, by cutting and running, and leaving the Iraqis to fend for themselves in what would surely descend into chaos.

Our withdrawal from Iraq should be determined by the military commanders on the ground and our Commander in Chief. All of us who have been to Iraq to visit our troops on the ground are confident that over time the 210,000 or so Iraqis who have now been trained to provide security for their own people sooner or later will be able to take this job upon themselves and we can begin to gradually, as circumstances dictate on the ground, bring our troops home.

Do all of us wish our troops could come home sooner rather than later? You bet we do. We want them to come home as soon as we can get them home, consistent with our duty to finish the job we started in Iraq. But we should not under any circumstance impose an arbitrary timetable on our forces, signaling weakness to our enemy, emboldening them to stay with their strategy because it must be working, and we must keep going even though it is tough. Our troops in Iraq are committed to victory.

I mentioned the chasm that separates Washington, DC, and these Chambers from the rest of America when it comes to the perception of what we are about in Iraq and the fight for freedom's cause. There is also a huge difference when you travel to Iraq and talk to our troops. They wonder at some of the news reports and some of the politicalization of what they are about, that they aren't confused about their job, they aren't confused about the nobility of their cause and the importance of what they are about. Our troops in Iraq are committed to victory. I hope our elected officials would show the same resolve here at home.

As every one of our military personnel in Iraq understands, Americans do not cut and run, Americans do not abandon their commitments, and Americans do not abandon their friends.

We must remember that it is in the absence of democracy, in the absence of the rule of law that extremism appears.

When the rule of law is implemented, when people have a forum by which to redress their grievances as we do in democratic circumstances, this is when the radical ideologues are stifled and even extinguished.

We have to remember how far the Iraqi people have come in such a relatively short time--from a time when they were ruled by a dictator who cared nothing for human life and who used weapons of mass destruction on his own people. I have seen, as have others in this body, the mass graves where at last count at least 400,000 Iraqis lie dead because of the ruthlessness of this blood-thirsty dictator. It was only 2 short years ago that the people of Iraq were oppressed by this brutal dictator. Those who privately yearned for freedom kept silent out of fear for their lives and the lives of their family and other loved ones. But that is no longer the case.

We have seen and continue to see that our strategy is working. The Iraqi people will vote in elections next month. I make a prediction that their turnout in these elections will be broad-based, across all the sects in Iraq, and their turnout will exceed the turnout we see in this country in our national elections. We saw that happen with, I believe, the 63-percent turnout in the vote to ratify the Constitution. It now appears that the Sunnis, many of whom boycotted that election, will finally participate in full force in electing their first leaders in a permanent government.

I hope the Members of this body who yield to the temptation to politicize this issue realize their remarks run the real risk of not only dividing Americans but undermining the resolve for the important task we have at hand, and devalue the sacrifice of our brave men and women in uniform and the noble cause they are about.

I yield the floor.

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