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Mr. McCONNELL. Madam President, the Senate is in the midst of considering several more well-qualified nominees for service in the executive branch and on our Nation's Federal courts. We are doing so in a more reasonable, efficient manner--more in line with this body's tradition--thanks to the modest reform the Senate passed just a few weeks ago.
Until recently, our colleagues across the aisle had succeeded in subjecting even the least controversial nominees to day after day of so-called debate.
Countless hours of valuable floor time were spent on individuals who passed through committees of jurisdiction without any opposition and for individuals whose final confirmation votes frequently cleared 90 votes, but now the Senate has begun to clear the backlog and put more public servants to work on behalf of the American people.
Last evening we voted to advance the nomination of William Cooper of Maryland to serve as general counsel at the Department of Energy. Mr. Cooper's nomination first arrived in the Senate 9 months ago. It has twice been reported favorably by our colleagues on the Energy and Natural Resources Committee. Mr. Cooper of Florida has waited even longer to begin his service as Assistant Secretary of State for Political-Military Affairs, and the story is not much different for the jurists waiting to finally be confirmed to Federal district courts either.
So I look forward to the swift consideration of this week's slate of nominees, and I would urge each of my colleagues to join me in voting for their confirmation.
Healthcare
On another matter, lest there be any doubt that my Democratic colleagues here in the Congress are serious about their party's radical left turn, the House Rules Committee is actually holding a hearing today on their proposal to outlaw private health insurance and force every American into a new government-run system.
As I have said, this grand scheme ought to be called Medicare for None. Democrats want to drain the popular program that seniors have relied on for more than 50 years and slap its name on a brand-new, untried, untested government-run system, and this thing they have cooked up would become the only option--the only option--available to American families.
Democrats are so confident that Americans will love their one-size- fits-all government plan that they feel the need to ban the private sector from competing with it.
This is a fantasy pulled from the farthest corners of the left, but now leading Democrats are proudly embracing it.
Here is the chairman of the House Rules Committee: ``It's a serious proposal that deserves serious consideration.''
Well, it certainly is a serious proposal for more than 180 million Americans who would be unceremoniously kicked off of their private insurance plans. It certainly is a serious proposal for the tens of millions of Americans who paid into Medicare so it would actually be there now when they needed it--not distorted into something totally different.
This is a particularly important point, given the serious challenges that Medicare is already facing. The Administrator for the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services recently explained that ``the program's main trust fund for hospital services can only pay full benefits for seven more years,'' and she noted the particular irony that this ``sobering dose of reality'' is being delivered as ``some are calling for a complete government takeover of the American healthcare system.''
On our current trajectory, as soon as 7 years from now, in 2026, ``doctors, hospitals, and nursing homes would not receive their full compensation from the program and patients could face more of the financial burden.'' That is from the New York Times.
In other words, this is a time for shoring up the existing health insurance that our seniors like and rely on, not a time to risk it-- risk it all--by packing millions and millions more--the whole rest of the Nation--into that very system for the sake of a snappy campaign promise.
The last time Democrats had unified control of the House, the Senate, and the White House, of course, they implemented sweeping changes that the American people were assured would keep healthcare costs down. Lots of promises were made. Lots of promises were broken.
Many families are now saddled with sky-high premiums, deductibles, and out-of-pocket costs, not to mention dwindling choices, and now Democrats are back for another, even bigger bite of the apple.
The last thing American families need is even more top-down, one- size-fits-all social engineering. We need to take practical steps to address what really matters most to American families--healthcare costs. We need to preserve what works, fix what doesn't, bring costs down, and preserve Medicare. That is the sensible approach that American families deserve. That is the practical solutions-oriented approach that Republicans are committed to.
But as we have already seen across the Capitol this week, our Democratic friends want to wheel out the drawing board yet again and take another big whack at the healthcare plans Americans already rely on. Tribute to John Abegg
Madam President, on one final matter, one of the most bittersweet subjects that Senators discuss on the floor is the departure of trusted staff. On one hand, I am certainly glad for any opportunity to highlight members of my all-star team, especially someone as diligent and tireless as the subject of my remarks today. The vast majority of the late-night hours and weekend projects that go on around here are repaid with much private gratitude but little to no public fanfare. So I am glad I can devote some time today to a longtime adviser who has earned my complete trust and thrown himself heart, mind, and soul into serving Kentucky and our Nation for nearly two decades.
But I am very unhappy that the occasion for this is that John Abegg is taking leave of the Senate to pursue the next chapter for himself and his family. John, you see, is my chief counsel. He arrived on our team before I was whip and before I was leader. President Clinton was still in office, and it was one of the more fortunate days of my career when this bright, young lawyer walked into my office. He brought an outsized share of shrewd judgment, sharp wit, and an eagle eye for detail along with him.
Some 19 years later, nearly all of that is still the case. There might be a little more seasoning. The reading glasses might be a little thicker. But every ounce of the talent and dedication that were so evident back then have remained part of my operation ever since.
John has literally flourished. He has become an institution in his own right here in the Senate and in the legal community, and I feel so fortunate to have had him by my side.
Now, today, it may all sound quite impressive--the chief counsel who advises the Senate majority leader on judicial nominations and countless important policy matters. But John can attest that the original job description 19 years ago wasn't so glamorous.
It was the beginning of the 107th Congress. I secured a temporary seat on the Judiciary Committee. It was an important assignment, but it came with some caveats. Namely, I would be last on the docket to speak at hearings. So most often, as a courtesy, I would yield my speaking time and avoid holding up the proceedings.
But this will give you a picture of how unbelievably industrious and meticulous John is, because my bright, young counsel saw this as a zero license to slack off or let up on the comprehensive briefing books he would prepare for me.
No matter how many times I opted only to listen and cast my vote, the painstaking, encyclopedic preparations came pouring in--just in case. I may have been the new guy on the block, but John made sure that every week I showed up loaded for bear, with extensive background information, potential amendments, and suggested questions, because, you see, John Abegg is never, ever caught flat-footed--not ever, and if you are around him, he will not let you be caught flat-footed either. For John, a job worth doing is a job worth doing to perfection--or as close to perfection as possible.
The man literally handled everything from nominations to policy matters to his own colleagues' questions about Senate ethics. Now, all of that was in a half-day's work, by the way, and yet every one of these subjects, every single time, was handled with total commitment, stunning professionalism, and the utmost care. Zero stones were left unturned, zero angles left unconsidered--a true ``lawyer's lawyer'' from dawn until well after dusk, and then all over again.
We are talking about a mindset that you would think even a top professional might reserve for one marquee project every couple of months. John brought that high standard to 14 different things before lunchtime, and he did it every day for almost 20 years.
Now, I realize that the picture I have painted so far may sound like an incredible team asset but not necessarily the most warm and fuzzy individual. It is true that John was never afraid to state his views directly to his peers or his chief of staff or to me. Now, I am not sure anyone on my staff has been able to deliver hard news, when necessary, with more clarity or greater courage, but he has been equally reliable for the best laugh line in most meetings, the perfectly timed joke. He literally lifts everyone up by bringing the house down.
And for all of the priorities he juggles, anybody who has seen John in the presence of his lovely wife and their three girls knows exactly what his real top priority is.
During his tenure, John has offered me peerless advice and analysis on countless judicial nominations. A majority of the sitting Supreme Court was confirmed while John has been on this job. He takes the judiciary as seriously as it deserves. The third branch and our Nation are better for his service.
Then, there is a lengthy catalog of legislative work that John has steered and helped me to shape. Some of his legacy is what you might expect from a no-nonsense lawyer for a Republican Member of this body-- work on causes like class action reform or medical liability reform.
But anyone who spent time around John would be equally unsurprised by the long nights he put in to help bring about comprehensive legislation to address the opioid crisis or crack down on the scourge of human trafficking or to help local law enforcement care for fallen officers' families and search for missing children. In every single case, John was on the case--rock-solid legal advice, keen strategy. Before an issue even popped up, he would have his finger on the pulse of the Senate.
Once we were in the thick of it, he was often our field general and backbone, and after our work was done, but only then, it was time for a well-earned smile.
But John's smile is widest when he is talking about his beautiful wife Heidi and their three lovely daughters, Abigail, Ingrid, and Erika.
So while his friends and colleagues here in the Senate are sad to see John go, we know he does nothing rashly, and so we are confident that he has thought this calculus through as completely as he has everything else.
Fewer full-day hearings and more bedtime stories. Fewer dinners cracking up his colleagues over takeout food during some all-night session and more times at his own kitchen table.
Well, after nearly two decades, I suppose we can let this slacker head for the hills, and we will know that he has made the right call because John Abegg is the one who made it.
So I really can't thank him enough for his loyal friendship, wise counsel, and exceptionally well done job.
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Mr. McCONNELL. Clarke Cooper nomination expire at 2:15 p.m. today. I further ask that if confirmed, the motion to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table, and the President be immediately notified of the Senate's action. Finally, I ask that following the cloture vote on the R. Clarke Cooper nomination, the Senate recess until 2:15 p.m. today.
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