Executive Calendar

Floor Speech

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Mr. MORAN. Mr. President, thank you.

Last week at the NATO summit in Brussels, the leaders of all 29 member states, including the United States with President Trump, signed a declaration reaffirming the purpose of the alliance--collective defense and the importance of article 5, which regards being attacked against one ally as an attack against all others.

There may be a growing sense here in the United States that NATO is no longer useful to our interests and that it is a burden that is not worth the cost.

I recently traveled to Moscow, Oslo, and Helsinki with members of the Senate Appropriations Committee, many of us on the Subcommittee on Defense. We had meetings with U.S. Embassy officials, our Ambassadors, and foreign government officials--people within the ministries of foreign affairs, ministries of defense, and with legislative leaders in that region.

At my meetings in Moscow, we worked to begin a dialogue with Russian counterparts. Everything I heard in those meetings reinforces my belief that Russia remains a threat to European stability and that a united NATO is essential to countering the threat and preserving American peace and prosperity.

Two wars in Europe last century resulted in the loss of hundreds of thousands of American lives who fought the forces of tyranny. To prevent a third war against this Communist menace, Western European powers, still weakened by World War II, formed an alliance with America and Canada to deter the Soviet Union's massive conventional forces from invading beyond what became the eastern bloc.

Not only did NATO successfully deter the Soviet Union until its collapse in 1991--and in my view, NATO contributed to the Soviet Union collapse in a significant way--but in that process, America's commitment to European security allowed these allies to recover from the war economically, strengthened democratic governance, and enabled them to stop fearing one another.

We would be naive to believe that threats critical to North Atlantic security have faded along with the Soviet Union. Indeed, my recent interactions in Europe confirmed that Russia remains a revisionist power intent on continuing Russia's disruptive activities in Europe, the Middle East, and here at home in the United States.

In every meeting I attended, I made clear that the Russians must end their election-meddling here in the United States and Europe in order to open doors to rebuilding our relations. I brought up Russia's destabilizing support for separatists in Ukraine and its illegal seizure of Crimea after Ukraine democratically chose a President who sought closer ties with the West.

Supporting and admitting that they share intelligence with the Taliban undermines the democratic government in Afghanistan and undermines our Nation's military as we continue to fight the Taliban alongside the Afghan National Security Forces.

In each circumstance of those conversations, Russian officials, including Foreign Minister Lavrov, continued to obfuscate or outright deny any responsibility. However, those meetings left me unconvinced that Russia is prepared to change its behavior.

In subsequent talks in Norway, a NATO member, and Finland, a NATO partner, the concerns relayed to me by these European leaders underscore the fear our European friends have about Russian activities. During our meetings, my colleagues and I reassured them of America's commitment to our joint security, and that commitment from the entire U.S. Government must not waver.

The first Supreme Allied Commander in Europe overseeing all NATO military operations was Kansas's own Dwight D. Eisenhower. As President in 1957, he declared before our NATO allies that we must ``re-dedicate ourselves to the task of dispelling the shadows that are being cast upon the free world.''

In addition to ongoing Russian subterfuge, terrorist groups remain intent on striking the West, threats to data information require strong cyber security measures, and the scourge of human and drug trafficking degrades social structures. On these and other issues, NATO allies have coordinated and contributed to the security of our own country, the United States of America.

In particular, let's recall that only once has NATO invoked article 5--in the aftermath of the 9/11 attacks on our country. The only time the NATO alliance has been asked to respond, they declared a willingness to respond--that an attack on one is an attack on all--when the United States of America was attacked on 9/11.

When we went to war against al-Qaida and its Taliban hosts in Afghanistan, we were not alone. The United States has nearly 15,000 troops serving in Afghanistan, and they are serving with NATO coalition forces as part of counterterrorism efforts to support Afghanistan's fight against the Taliban and ISIS, which has seized strategic territories in recent years.

We are approaching 17 years of support from our NATO allies in Afghanistan--support that has come even at the expense of the blood of those who serve. Just last week, I am saddened to say, two U.S. Army soldiers paid the ultimate sacrifice and were killed while serving in Afghanistan, and at least two more soldiers have been wounded from insurgent attacks.

Finally, there is an economic threat that a destabilized Europe poses to our Nation's well-being. The EU--distinct from NATO but certainly a beneficiary of the security provided--is America's largest trading partner.

Questioning why we should come to the defense of the smallest NATO member damages the alliance, and it hurts our alliances elsewhere. If we won't honor a treaty in Europe, friends might wonder why we would honor a treaty in Asia. Predators can take advantage of our perceived indifference. That is, in part, what led to the Korean war.

The United States contributes 22 percent of NATO's total budget. In addition to our NATO contributions, the United States continues to increase defense spending on our military presence supporting our partners, with more than $6 billion in fiscal year 2019 appropriated for the European Deterrence Initiative and another $792 million invested in military construction across the continent.

President Trump is absolutely right to urge fellow allies to increase their defense spending, and I echoed that message on our trip to Norway when we visited with those allies in Oslo. To the credit of our allies, they have increased spending by more than $40 billion in the past year.

Fighting alongside us in Afghanistan, where they continue to serve beside us today, unfortunately, more than 1,000 Europeans have died.

NATO is strong, and it is getting stronger. I believe the strength of NATO relies on remaining unified. Words matter, and what Americans say can bolster or shake confidence in the United States.

I will conclude on this personal note. I thought of the force for good our country has provided the world as I stood in our Embassy in Moscow on July 4th, our Independence Day, watching the Marine Corps Honor Guard's presentation of the colors as our national anthem was sung. It is difficult for me to sing the national anthem without choking up wherever I am, but it was especially difficult that day as I reflected upon the course of events in my life--when kids practiced getting under their desks for missile drills, to the fall of the Berlin Wall, to the aftermath of 9/11, to a father who served in World War II. I honor him and all those who served.

Over the past 70 years, it is America that has safeguarded freedom for our people and for those who live elsewhere in the world. Along the way, our vision of a freer, more prosperous world attracted allies who shared our dream.

Our foremost responsibility is to protect Americans all the time and to promote our values around the world. We can do this better. We can do this with our allies. With them, we will have a better future.

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