Executive Calendar

Floor Speech

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Mr. WICKER. Mr. President, this Chamber is familiar with deadlines and has a habit of running up against them. We cannot lose sight of May 12, the deadline when President Trump will make a decision about sanctions on Iran.

In January, the President waived sanctions for the last time, calling on Congress to ``either fix the deal's disastrous flaws, or the United States will withdraw.'' We now have less than 3 months--a period in which bipartisan consensus on the issue of Iran is absolutely necessary.

To reimpose sanctions would effectively signal the end of America's participation in the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, the JCPOA, an agreement better known as the Iran nuclear deal. The plan is flawed, and we cannot fix it without action.

I ask my colleagues for cooperation and collaboration so that we can act in the national interest and prevent the nefarious aims of the world's leading state sponsor of terrorism. When it comes to Iran, we must put aside our differences and work together on a bipartisan bill.

I know that the chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee, Senator Corker, has been working with Senator Cardin on this issue. Their efforts are commendable and necessary.

Let me stress again that this effort must be bipartisan. One-sided legislation would signal division and weakness on the issue of Iran. A partisan bill would also undermine our diplomatic efforts with the P5+1 countries to improve the JCPOA through a supplemental agreement. I am confident we can do our part.

First, Congress has repeatedly demonstrated its support for countering Iran's malign activities. Second, President Trump has laid out a clear road map for legislation that he would sign. Finally, this President has the will to walk away. He has made this promise, and I believe he will keep it.

Let me explore these three points in turn. No. 1, we have a long history of acting in an overwhelmingly bipartisan fashion on this issue. Last August, the President signed the Countering America's Adversaries Through Sanctions Act. The legislation included tough new sanctions on Iran's ballistic missile program, on its sponsorship of terrorism, and its human rights abuses. The Senate approved it by a vote of 98 to 2, and it earned a vote of 419 to 3 in the House-- bipartisan majorities. We also passed by voice vote Senator Rubio and Senator Shaheen's bill to crack down on illicit financing for Iran's client Hezbollah. The House companion also passed by a voice vote.

We have a blueprint for what to do. The President has outlined four proposals addressing critical flaws in the nuclear deal.

One of those proposals is that Iran allow anytime, anywhere inspections. Currently, Iran is blocking international inspectors from accessing military sites, such as the Parchin facility. Inspectors also have to follow elaborate rules even to request and receive access, despite Iran's long history of concealment and deception. If Iran has nothing to hide, then it has no reason to object to anytime, anywhere inspections.

Second, the bill would ensure that Iran never comes close to getting a nuclear weapon. The current nuclear deal attempts to keep Iran 1 year away from breakout--the point at which Iran can rapidly develop a nuclear capability. One year is not much of an insurance policy, especially against the top state sponsor of terrorism. The bottom line is that Tehran should never come close to a nuclear weapon.

Third, the bill needs to maintain restrictions in perpetuity. The so- called sunset clauses are perhaps the most flawed part of the nuclear agreement. The way it currently reads, Iran does not need to cheat. They can simply wait us out. The conventional weapons ban sunsets in 2020. The ban on receiving ballistic missile assistance sunsets in 2023. The ban on replacing old centrifuges with advanced models sunsets in 2026. And all nuclear restrictions--on centrifuges, on enrichment facilities and levels, and on heavy water production--sunset in 2031. The sunset clauses do not stop Iran but kick the can down the road--a road ending in just over a decade.

Finally, the bill cannot overlook the connection between Iran's ballistic missile and nuclear weapons programs. The legislation must severely sanction the ballistic missile program. This is another no- brainer. A nuclear warhead is effective to the extent that it can be launched on a missile. Iran is not developing long-range and sophisticated ballistic missiles to deliver conventional payloads. The architects of the Iran deal, unfortunately, took great pains to keep it focused solely on nuclear. That has to end.

These four demands constitute a sensible framework for the kind of bipartisan legislation that Congress can achieve.

The final reason for my cautious optimism is that we have a President who keeps his promises. When President Trump calls May 12 the last chance, I take him seriously. I would encourage my colleagues to do the same. This President is dead serious about countering Iran's agenda. He said that he would decertify the deal last October. He followed through. That should have erased any doubts.

We should not wait until the eleventh hour to deal with this issue. It is too important. By putting aside personal or political feelings, we can absolutely achieve a bipartisan bill that fixes the Iran deal using the President's framework.

Thank you.

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