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Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to bring this rule forward on behalf of the Rules Committee.
The rule provides for the consideration of H.R. 5711, to prohibit the Secretary of the Treasury from authorizing certain transactions by a U.S. financial institution in connection with the export or re-export of a commercial passenger aircraft to the Islamic Republic of Iran. The rule also provides for the consideration of H.R. 5982, the Midnight Rules Relief Act.
The rule provides for 1 hour of debate, equally divided and controlled by the chair and the ranking member of the Judiciary Committee. It also provides a motion to recommit. Additionally, the bill provides for 1 hour of debate, equally divided and controlled by the chair and ranking member of the Financial Services Committee, with a motion to recommit.
On Monday, the Rules Committee heard testimony from the chairman of the Committee on the Judiciary, Bob Goodlatte; from Regulatory Reform, Commercial and Antitrust Law Subcommittee Ranking Member Hank Johnson; and from the chairman of the Committee on Financial Services, Jeb Hensarling, and Congressman Denny Heck.
H.R. 5982, the Midnight Rules Relief Act, was marked up and reported by the Judiciary Committee, and it enjoyed discussion at the committee level. The rule also combines H.R. 5715, the No Ex-Im Assistance for Terrorism Act, with H.R. 5711. Both of these bills were approved by the House Financial Services Committee in July. The rule makes in order five amendments to H.R. 5982 from our colleagues on the other side of the aisle, and it makes in order the only amendment submitted on H.R. 5711.
I am a cosponsor of the Midnight Rules Relief Act, which was authored by my friend Darrell Issa of California. This bill addresses a problem that we have seen far too often in the administrations of both parties.
As the President's term draws to a close, we have come to expect a raft of new regulations to be forced upon the American people. We usually see an even greater jump in the number of regulations during the lameduck period, which is between election day and Inauguration Day. These hurried rules--midnight rules--are too often used to force the political agenda of an outgoing administration on hardworking Americans as a last-ditch attempt to implement partisan priorities. As we enter a lameduck period after last week's election, this is a particularly meaningful time to consider this legislation. I think we can agree, regardless of party, the outgoing administrations should not be rushing to impose burdensome regulations on the American people.
Already, we have seen the Obama administration issue numerous midnight rules, including multiple billion-dollar rules. In fact, this administration has issued or plans to issue at least 180 such rules.
Just yesterday, we were presented with a clear example of this problem when the Department of the Interior announced the finalization of a new rule on methane venting and flaring. This rule was announced by the Bureau of Land Management in an attempt to lower output despite the costs it will impose on energy production and on numerous State regulations already in place. This is just one example of an administration's rushing to finalize rules to cement a partisan policy agenda.
We have seen this administration increase the regulatory burden on families and businesses by more than $100 billion. The last thing we should do is let them further that burden in the waning days of a lameduck Presidency. However, despite the clear evidence that the current administration is taking advantage of the ability to implement midnight rules, this is not a problem that is unique to only one political party. Lameduck regulations have been abused by both parties, but addressing this issue will help rein in that practice and ensure that Congress can exercise proper oversight authority.
The Midnight Rules Relief Act would take steps to solve the problem by amending the Congressional Review Act to provide congressional authority to allow CRA resolutions that disapprove multiple midnight resolutions
en bloc. Currently, the CRA can only be used for individual regulations. The amended Congressional Review Act would maintain flexibility while incentivizing outgoing administrations to avoid issuing broad and controversial midnight regulations.
The rule before us today also provides for the consideration of a different but equally important bill. H.R. 5711 takes critical steps to protect taxpayers and national security. Under the Iran nuclear deal, which I vocally opposed, President Obama agreed to license the exports of commercial planes. Recently, the Treasury Department authorized the sale of almost 100 planes for Iran. I can't believe this is even something we have to talk about here today, but it is a deeply serious issue. The administration has allowed the world's foremost state sponsor of terrorism to receive U.S. financing and planes.
H.R. 5711 takes the commonsense step of prohibiting the Secretary of the Treasury from authorizing U.S. financing in connection with the export of commercial passenger aircraft to Iran. It also makes permanent the financing prohibition for the Export-Import Bank assistance to the Government of Iran.
I will say it again: this is just simply common sense. We should not and cannot be in the business of licensing the financing and sale of aircraft to a country that wishes to do us harm. The underlying bills that this rule provides consideration for are necessary to protect the American people and to restore smart policies that will protect us both here and abroad.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
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Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
I do understand that, yes, our Presidents are elected for a full 4 years. I have no problem with that. What I do have a problem with, though, is trying to push bills that cannot make it through these bodies in the proper way and with the proper oversight that Congress is supposed to have. We are set up in Article I of the Constitution as the body that makes the laws and sets the policy, along with Executive who carries out that policy. What we are simply saying is: don't go around what you can't get done in Congress and try to do it before you walk out the door. I understand that this is both sides, Mr. Speaker. This is not just this administration; it has been used by both. It just needs to stop. Congress has a role; the Executive has a role; the judiciary has a role. That is why the Founders put it together. This is simply saying: let's do it the right way.
Also, just as a quick note on this issue of the planes to Iran, as a member of the military currently and also as one who served in Iraq, this is very concerning to me on many levels. Also, the problem that we see with Iran is not about not doing business--it is about the protection of American interests and American assets. In fact, this is a bipartisan issue. One of the Financial Services Committee members from across the aisle, Mr. Sherman, actually opposed this, but he actually said this--and it really makes a lot of sense. He said:
Until Iran Air gets out of the business of supporting terrorism and supporting Assad's regime in Syria, the United States should not license the sale of aircraft to Iran Air.
It is virtually certain that Iran Air will use these aircraft for nefarious purposes.
We are just saying: put our country in a safe position. We are not talking about denying business, but we are talking about what many of us feel was a very bad decision with the Iran nuclear deal and about, simply here, just putting us back in an Article I position.
I appreciate the gentlewoman from New York. I think we just need to do our business and just put our interests first, not only here, but also abroad.
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Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
I appreciate a good debate. This rule actually deals with two. One is the midnight rule, which again has been abused by both sides.
Also, as it was just spoken of on the floor, there is this issue of the funds for the planes for Iran. Let me just say, I would love to go back and discuss the Iran deal that was put into place. I have been on this floor many times opposing that deal. We can talk about it. I don't think it was ever put into place to stop.
Actually, there is this issue that they have complied. I just find it laughable that they have complied. They have tested rockets. They have sent people overseas. They have not complied with this.
There is one thing that I agree with that the gentleman from Oregon (Mr. Blumenauer) said just a moment ago. I agree with him when he said: Yes, Iran has got everything they want. They have got the money. They keep going. Their centrifuges are spinning.
I will just say this about this issue right here: If we could actually look at this, I will support Iran when Iran is willing to be a part of the world culture and starts recognizing Israel's right to exist. I will support Iran when they are signing their agreement and not shouting ``death to America.''
Let's play on a level playing field. I have got no problem with that.
We are not debating that. Unfortunately, that is the deal the next administration can deal with. At least, I will have some sympathy for them when they quit breaking the very agreement we are saying that they are honoring. I just can't see that.
So these funds, I don't want them used. There are assets that we have. They are military assets. They are my brothers and sisters in arms right now who are all over the world that could be impacted by this.
So as we go forward, this is a commonsense rule for two reasons. We are not going to use the bank accounts of Americans to buy planes for Iran that can be used against us in a war.
We are not going to have midnight rules by both parties. It doesn't matter which party here. This is Article I, this is basic Constitution.
Let the Congress do its work, not a President carrying out an agenda.
These are important bills that make smart, commonsense policy changes to protect Americans. For that reason, I urge my colleagues to support the legislation provided for by the rule and the rule itself.
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