Energy Policy and Modernization Act of 2015

Floor Speech

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Mr. BOOKER. I thank my colleague, and Senator Shaheen as well, for emphasizing what I think needs to be emphasized, which is that we have in the IAEA an ability to do the most intrusive inspections ever before seen on the planet Earth. That agency--an important point Senator Shaheen was making--needs to be funded and funded well. We need to make sure the international community is standing there, and America needs to lead in that way.

I anticipate hearing Senator Shaheen also make the point, though, that it is the height of malfeasance for us here in this country not to have people in the right places to do the other things necessary to hold Iran accountable. We can't sound like a hawk around the debate over the JCPOA and then sound like a chicken when it comes to putting the funding forward necessary to prevent them from engaging in destabilizing activities in the region. I am grateful Senator Shaheen will make that point further, but I just want to review again what has been accomplished come implementation date because it is still an extraordinary victory for diplomacy, taking the spectre of a nuclear- armed Iran and evaporating, eviscerating, pushing it back at least for 15 years.

In that region, we now have the spectre of a nuclear-armed Iran pulled back, and we have the ability of moving forward with greater diplomacy. In order to get there, some pretty extraordinary things have happened. We have now effectively blocked Iran's uranium pathway to a bomb, with 12 tons of enriched stockpile--virtually all of its stockpile--shipped out of its country, and two-third of Iran's centrifuges have been taken offline. So there has been a significant removal of Iran's pathway.

In addition, we have blocked the plutonium pathway. The heavy water reactor in Iran has been filled with concrete. It is no longer operational. It has been permanently disabled. This makes sure that pathway to producing weapons-grade plutonium has been eliminated for the foreseeable years in the future.

Again, it has established unprecedented monitoring. The IAEA has gained unprecedented 24/7 access to all of Iran's nuclear facilities, including the pathway toward a weapon. Now we have intrusive monitoring and intelligence-gathering capabilities we never had before.

Most recently, Secretary Kerry was able to call upon his Iranian counterpart to secure the release of sailors. The reason why I say that is the quick turnaround of the sailors being released shows that these historic steps of the JCPOA have put us in an environment where diplomacy works in other critical areas.

Now, let's be clear, and these are important points I want to make. We must remain vigilant as a Congress and we must be vigilant in this body to make sure that other areas of Iran's activities are being watched in every single way and that there are repercussions for any Iranian violations of its nuclear agreements. This first step is impressive and historic and has really done a lot of good in removing that nuclear threat for at least 10 to 15 years, but it must come with real repercussions for any violations. The only way to ensure that the path of diplomacy is validated is to hold Iran accountable. It must meet all of the commitments--not just those for implementation day but during the whole process of the JCPOA for the many years ahead.

Again, the oversight and engagement of Congress on monitoring provisions of this agreement are absolutely vital. That is in many ways a chorus of conviction amongst my colleagues speaking here tonight to make unmistakably clear that we have eyes and ears on this agreement. All of my colleagues are saying on the floor today that we expect Iran to test the bounds of the JCPOA, but if there are signs that Iran is not abiding by the terms of the agreement, we are firm in our conviction that Congress must not hesitate to levy new economic sanctions, isolate Iran diplomatically and financially, and use security and military measures if that is what it takes to keep them from obtaining a nuclear weapon.

Iran's obligations under the JCPOA are ongoing and must be continually verified. It is one thing for Iran to cooperate sufficiently to achieve the transfer of frozen assets and the dismantling of the international sanctions regime; it is quite another for it to cooperate in an ongoing basis after these aims have been achieved. That is the responsibility of the administration and this Congress.

The JCPOA must serve as one part of a larger strategy with Iran. This is about the nuclear agreement and pushing back the spectre of a nuclear-armed Iran. But this is just one part--it must be just one part of a larger strategy with Iran. The diplomatic success with the JCPOA is commendable, but tensions between our closest partners in the region and Iran remain high. I was just there, and we saw the concerns of the Israelis, of Saudi Arabia, of Turkey. Iran is continuing its destabilizing activities, testing ballistic missiles, and further flaming tensions in the region. These events demand that we be even more attentive and engaged so that our allies and others know that the United States will not hesitate in the face of Iran's continued defiance of international rules. The implementation of the JCPOA is again an important step, but as a stand-alone strategy, it is just not enough.

In addition, Iran has been a bad actor in nonnuclear areas, and the United States needs to hold it responsible. Therefore, in addition to the accountability measures we are taking with the nuclear regime, there must be an understanding that we cannot allow the Iranians to grow the shadow of this agreement to cover all their other nonnuclear destabilizing activities. Congress and the administration must be prepared and must be willing to levy appropriate economic sanctions needed to respond robustly to these destabilizing activities.

I believe it is unacceptable for us to move forward in any way that allows Iran to flaunt international law to violate any of the balance of the agreements we have made. We need to make sure we meet them. Iran could try to use the additional funds they receive through this deal to do things that undermine regional security. That cannot be allowed. We must continue to work closely with our allies and respond to every single bit of Iranian aggression that undermines international order and violates international regions.

With that, I turn back to Senator Coons to continue this dialogue.

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