Providing for Consideration of H. Res. 411, Finding that the President has not Complied with Section 2 of the Iran Nuclear Agreement Review Act of 2015; Providing for Consideration of H.R. 3461, Approval of Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action; and Providing for Consideration of H.R. 3460, Suspension of Authority to Waive, Suspend, Reduce, Provide Relief From, or Otherwise Limit the Application of Sanctions Pursuant to an Agreement Related to the Nuclear Program of Iran

Floor Speech

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Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the gentlewoman, and I want to thank my colleagues. Mr. Frelinghuysen, I agree with many of the points that you made. This is a vote of conscience for all of us.

The question is not whether we trust Iran. We don't. The question is not whether we want Iran to have any pathway to a nuclear weapon. Proponents of this agreement--I am one--and opponents of this agreement--there are many, my friend, Mr. Stewart--don't want Iran to have a nuclear weapon. This question about trust, we have got to step back a minute.

One of the fundamental challenges that a strong and confident country faces is to secure its national security. That requires the Commander in Chief, whose fundamental responsibility is to exercise his judgment about what will work to increase our security, to enter into negotiations with adversaries; and there may be no greater adversary to the United States, to our allies, particularly Israel, than Iran.

Keep in mind, President Kennedy negotiated with the Soviet Union after one of their leaders said they will bury this country, and he did that, and it turned out that he was right to limit nuclear proliferation. President Nixon went to China when it was Red China, an absolute adversary of this country and our way of life, and it has worked to the benefit of the national security of this country, and President Reagan did the same.

The fundamental question here is not at all about whether we trust Iran. We don't trust Iran. It is not about whether you negotiate with people you trust. You have to negotiate with people that are your adversaries.

The question is whether the terms and conditions of this agreement that the President is recommending, along with our very close allies--Germany, France, Great Britain, and Russia and China--will improve our national security and that of our allies, particularly Israel. My judgment is it will.

Number one, there is no pathway for Iran to have a nuclear weapon under this agreement.

Number two, this is not based on trust. It is based on distrust and strong verification provisions that will give us a heads-up if there is any effort of Iran not to comply.

Third, we have the opportunity to snap back the sanctions all of us supported that brought Iran to the table. We don't have to get a majority vote; we can do that unilaterally.

Then, finally, we do have to ask the question of not whether this is the perfect agreement--undoubtedly, there could be a better agreement that might give more satisfaction and security and peace of mind to all of us--it is a question of this agreement or no agreement. That is the question that we face.

The weight of the opinion and judgment is that, if we repudiate this agreement, the sanction regime that we constructed on the leadership of President George Bush and President Barack Obama would dissolve. What happens then? Iran gets the money and they have no restraint on their ability to get the bomb.

I urge us to support this agreement in the national security interest of the United States of America, Israel, and our allies.

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