James Robert Latham has provided voters with clear stances on key issues by responding to the 2024 Political Courage Test.
| Pro-choice | a) Do you generally support pro-choice or pro-life legislation? | ||
| Yes | b) Do you support legalizing abortion when the pregnancy resulted from incest or rape? | ||
| Yes | c) Do you support the prohibition of public funds (e.g. Medicaid) for organizations that perform abortions? | ||
| I affirm a culture of life and a future in which abortion would be unnecessary. Under what circumstances should elective abortion be allowed cannot be responsibly articulated without clarifying: Allowed by whom? And by what means? Might it look like the fictional, authoritarian societies Leni Zumas's "Red Clocks" or Margaret Atwood's "The Handmaid's Tale" describe and in which few would want to live? Persuasive, non-aggressive approaches to protect life are moral, effective, and preferable. I oppose efforts to transform Utah into a Handmaid's Tale-style, patriarchal Republic of Gilead, although I view the Dobbs decision as legally-correct as a matter of federalism to keep our constitutionally-constituted compound republic appropriately decentralized. In Utah, to be eligible for nomination Libertarian candidates must pledge as follows: "I promise that if elected I will vote in favor of all matters that lead to a reduction in taxes and government, and expansion of personal freedoms and against all matters causing higher taxes, bigger government, and restrictions on personal freedoms. If I ever act contrary to this pledge, I will publicly apologize and offer to resign." Accordingly, I favor decriminalization over legalization. That said, if a legalization measure were offered as a replacement for a statutory restriction on personal freedoms I would vote in favor of that measure. The Libertarian Party's platform, which I affirm, "oppose[s] governments restricting voluntary access to [] medical treatments or procedures[.]" The state of Utah should not force all Utahns to fund the surveillance and invasion of an individual's reproductive choices by state agents. Likewise, Utahns morally opposed to abortion care should not be forced to fund it through taxation. My support for the separation of medicine and state flows from both my support for medical freedom and opposition to taxation. Accordingly, my opposition to extorting taxes to pay for any medical procedure is across the board and is not exclusive to abortion care. Utahns who are not political sociopaths do not want the state of Utah to know Utahns' reproductive choices, and as jurors we should acquit anyone charged with resisting those who engage in state-sponsored or -enabling invasions of that privacy. | |||
| Yes | a) In order to balance the budget, do you support limiting state government spending on social programs (e.g. SNAP, TANF)? | ||
| Yes | b) Do you support a decrease in income taxes in order to promote economic growth? | ||
| No | c) Do you support a wealth tax in order to pay for public programs in your state? | ||
| To paraphrase Nobel Prize-winning economist Milton Friedman, the State's true size is measured not by how much it collects in taxes, borrows, or devalues its currency. Rather, the State's true size is properly measured by how much it spends. According to the Utah Taxpayers Association 2023 report, "The Pork Barrel," the state of Utah's budget has grown 93 percent -- almost doubling -- since Fiscal Year 2019. One of the key points of the Libertarian Party Radical Caucus, of which I have been a member, is "No Particular Order." The point explains that "[t]he removal of one harmful government policy should never be held hostage for the removal of another, as this throws self-imposed barriers in the path of liberty and removes potential pressures for change." Applying that principle, although I would not single out state government spending on social programs for budget cuts -- transfer payments to oligarchs (also known as "corporate welfare" and "cronyism") is more inequitable and deserves more attention and opposition from Utah voters -- I would not veto legislation that limited state government spending on social programs. Limiting state government spending on so-called "social programs" -- and one should review the employee salaries and benefits disclosed at transparent.utah.gov to see who the true beneficiaries of these programs are -- may create the necessary incentives to rediscovery the mutual aid societies and intentional communities that have been crowded out by such programs. Again, to be eligible for nomination Libertarian candidates in Utah must pledge as follows: "I promise that if elected I will vote in favor of all matters that lead to a reduction in taxes and government, and expansion of personal freedoms and against all matters causing higher taxes, bigger government, and restrictions on personal freedoms." Economist Murray Rothbard (1926-1995), whose scholarship is considered influential in the libertarian community, argued that property acquired through confiscation, whether by private criminals or the state, is unjustly owned. So, although I would not support a wealth tax to pay for the state of Utah's operations, I would support efforts to restore confiscated property to its rightful owners. Such an endeavor may largely overlap what a wealth tax would accomplish. See, e.g., Njoya, Wanjiru. 2024. "You Stole Our Land: Common Law, Private Property, and Rothbardian Principles of Justice." Journal of Libertarian Studies 28 (1). | |||
| No | a) Do you support capital punishment for violent crimes? | ||
| No | b) Should an individual under 18 accused of a violent crime be prosecuted as an adult? | ||
| No | c) Do you support the enforcement of federal immigration laws by state and local police? | ||
| Yes | d) Do you support the use of private prisons? | ||
| No | e) Do you support mandatory minimum sentences for nonviolent drug offenders? | ||
| The Libertarian Party's platform, which I affirm, "oppose[s] the administration of the death penalty by the state." Please see the video produced by Death Penalty Action titled "Opposing the First Utah Execution Since 2010" for an example of my long-standing advocacy against the death penalty. Advances in brain science teach that the quality of a young person's behavior does not magically transform it into adult behavior justifying corresponding adult punishment. Indeed, the trend is to raise the age of majority because young brains are still wiring into our early 20s. Shane Bauer's book, "American Prison," illustrates how so-called "privately-run prisons" can be problematic, although a private prison is not inherently problematic. However, responsibility for the dysfunction portrayed by Bauer can be shared with the state government that failed to provide sufficient and proper oversight and incentives to the organization -- such as through bonding, liability insurance, and independent auditing requirements -- to which it delegated its responsibility. And as public choice economists like David Skarbek explain, government-run prisons operate with similar perverse incentives. On the way to dismantling the prison-industrial complex, prison abolitionists and reformers alike should explore a quarantine model rather than a carceral model to protect communities from dangerous individuals. Science fiction literature also suggests alternatives to government-run prisons. In "Player of Games," anyone committing a violent act is subsequently followed around by a "slap-drone" to make sure the individual does not do it again. And transparency through data collection and distribution through the internet empowers citizens to assess the risks of interacting with other individuals. In "Snow Crash," Y.T. is taken by a private police force to a franchise "incarceration and restraint service." As the Cato Institute's Clark Neily and others recommend, state-authorized police officers and their independent counterparts should be required to carry liability insurance. | |||
| No | a) Do you support state government spending as a means of promoting economic growth (e.g. grants, tax incentives)? | ||
| Yes | b) Do you support reducing state government regulations on the private sector (e.g. for business or the environment)? | ||
| No | c) Do you support an increase of the minimum wage in Utah? | ||
| No | d) Do you support government spending on affordable housing projects in Utah? | ||
| David D. Friedman's book "The Machinery of Freedom: Guide to Radical Capitalism" makes a persuasive case that: *libertarian policies promote peace and human flourishing, *government coercion is often harmful, and violates people's rights, *many want to live in a society where people cooperate with each other on a voluntary basis, *many respect other people's rights to do whatever they want as long as they aren't violating the rights of others, and *using persuasion, not force or coercion, is acceptable for trying to change other people's views. As to attainable housing, the Libertas Institute-championed "Free to Build" initiative could increase Utah's housing stock by eliminating state/local government barriers -- such as minimum lot sizes -- to truly attainable housing, like cottage court homes. SB 240 passed in 2023 by the Utah Legislature, which authorizes taxpayer-funded $20,000 down payments for new home purchases, should be repealed. This "developer corporate welfare" artificially props up housing prices under the pretext of improving housing affordability. | |||
| No | a) Do you support adopting federal education standards (e.g. Common Core) in Utah? | ||
| No | b) Do you support state funding for charter schools? | ||
| No | c) Do you support increasing teacher salaries AND/OR benefits in Utah? | ||
| No | d) Should immigrants in the United States who graduate from Utah high schools be eligible for in-state tuition at public universities, regardless of immigration status? | ||
| Yes | e) Do you support the removal of a constitutional feature that limits the spending of state income taxes to only public and higher education? | ||
| Although I am passionate about supporting a lifelong learning ecosystem free of political influence, the state of Utah is obligated under the state constitution (Article X) to establish and maintain an education system. Some education innovators have suggested that the state of Utah could satisfy its constitutional obligation by simply formulating and publishing a curriculum for all grade levels. Consider the savings taxpayers would enjoy with such a change, and how it would increase our ability to gift, spend, save, and invest our income as we see fit. Such a "non-reform reform" could hasten the necessary exodus of families and students from toxic, government-run schools, and use "universal backpack funding" to enroll in charter, independent, and market-based schools, or obtain resources for homeschooling. Go to transparent.utah.gov, click on the "Employee" tab, select "Highest Paid Employees" in the drop-down menu, then "Select an Entity" (your local or nearby school district), then "Select a Fiscal Year," and research school district administrator salaries. It is an underreported scandal showing that the primary beneficiaries of government-run school systems are the overpaid educrats employed by them, who use their political clout to expand these bureaucracies and serve themselves and politically-favored vendors. Students and their parents and guardians are not the primary beneficiaries of government-run schools. Often, when a conflict between a student and a school system arises, the mask of these "smiling fascists" comes off; revealing where their true loyalties lie. Government-run schools also do a poor job of protecting students against bullying because the culture of a government-run school district is inherently bullying. Stopping bullying would mean undermining its own source of power. Most who are familiar with public choice economics recognize this dynamic. Because education is too important to leave to a monopoly government to administer in a free society, my personal policy preference is to separate school and state to introduce more beneficial competition for the education consumer. A law requiring students to receive two presentations on adoption pursuant to section 53G-10-404 of the Utah Code is one example of how education can be corrupted into indoctrination. That said, until voters join together to change the state of Utah's constitutional obligation, if the people put me to work my intention is to support those who are endeavoring to ensure that the state's education systems deliver a quality education that is as equitable as possible for Utah families. Another reform I would champion is the use of proportional ranked choice voting for school board elections -- and even election-free democratic lotteries -- to disrupt the power and privilege of school district oligarchies. Another reform I favor is liberating educators from mandated reporting laws to restore trust among students, families, and teachers. Because, as Wael Ghonim reminds us, "the power of the people is greater than the people in power," I will also continue to advocate that education providers operating in civil society improve the market for educational services in Utah so that more Utah families can make the switch to truly flourish. | |||
| No | a) Do you support state funding for the development of renewable energy (e.g. solar, wind, geo-thermal)? | ||
| Yes | b) Do you support state governments allowing permits for drilling on public lands? | ||
| No | c) Do you support increasing state funding for clean drinking water initiatives? | ||
| Renewable energy sources should not be subsidized by the state of Utah, even though carbon-based and other energy sources have been subsidized. Two wrongs do not make subsidization morally right. Unjust enrichment from state subsidization should be reclaimed by those from whom the property was transferred to fund those subsidies was wrongly taken. So long as the state of Utah owns land with extractable resources, permitting to the extent it can be market-based should be facilitated. That said, the state of Utah should auction off its land. The best way to protect and be a steward of land is to own it. The optimal way to have clean and abundant water is to support a free market in water. State entities are immune from accountability for distributing adulterated or contaminated water. In Utah, individuals may collect rainwater and harvest water from the atmosphere in no more than two containers not to exceed 100 gallons per container. | |||
| No | a)Do you support limiting campaign contributions from corporations, unions, and individuals? | ||
| No | b) Do you support the use of an independent or bipartisan commission for redistricting? | ||
| Yes | c) Do you support requiring a government-issued photo identification in order to vote at the polls? | ||
| No | d) Do you support automatic voter registration? | ||
| Yes | e) Do you support the implementation of ranked choice voting in Utah? | ||
| I curate the FairVoteUtah blog and advocate for proportional ranked choice voting, which is a more competitive and representative, gerrymander- and spoiler-proof electoral system, so that state and local governmental policy decisions affecting Utahns are made by a republic that more accurately reflects the people of Utah. Where used, proportional representation has also resulted in more women and individuals from historically underrepresented communities being elected. Until proportional representation replaces first-past-the-post, plurality single choice elections, limiting campaign contributions from corporations, unions, and individuals would give an unfair electoral and messaging advantage to incumbent political interests. That said, because the state is a monopoly government, limits on its activity are justifiable; constitutional restraints on state action such as our right to free speech and to be free of unreasonable searches and seizures are examples of existing limits on state activity. Limits on access to the levers of state power, such as prohibiting net tax consumers from contributing to political campaigns or voting, have been advocated since at least 1861 by John Stuart Mill and others. ("I regard it as required by first principles that the receipt of parish relief should be a preemptory disqualification for the franchise." --John Stuart Mill, "Representative Government"). That principle can be applied to military and other government contractors. So-called "independent" redistricting commissions can make elections either more representative or more competitive, but they cannot do both. And by maintaining single member districts, redistricting commissions protect the power and privilege of those who benefit from the flawed two-party system. Single-member districts should be replaced with multi-member districts elected by a proportional ranked choice voting method called the Single Transferable Vote. I favor requiring photo identification to vote given current resource capacities, unless a voter can cite financial, accessibility, geographic, or other administrative barriers to obtaining an acceptable photo identification. However, because a photo does not guarantee proof of identity, if another technology could validate a voter's identity to the same or a greater degree with a similar or lower cost, I would favor the use of that technology. I also favor improving the integrity of democratic processes by increasing transparency through end-to-end auditable voting, and hand-counts paired with machine-counts. Of course, secure elections are of little use to the people of Utah -- who should not be conflated with the apparatchiks controlling the state of Utah -- if those elections are systemically rigged through first-past-the-post, single choice, and single-member district elections. Both of my incumbent party opponents favor maintaining the current electoral system that protects and preserves their bipartisan political cartel. Utah Democrats would rather play second fiddle to Utah Republicans than support including a symphony of Utahns in political processes, and in so-called "Blue" states this dynamic is reversed. The Powers-That-Should-Not-Be fear that if we had a fair, competitive, and representative election system, many more of the almost half-million independent and unaffiliated Utah voters would not have a perverse incentive to vote for them. I encourage Utahns interested in upgrading Utah's elections to visit the FairVoteUtah blog. | |||
| No | a) Do you generally support gun-control legislation (e.g. red flag laws, closing the boyfriend loophole)? | ||
| No | b) Should background checks be required on gun sales between private citizens at gun shows? | ||
| Yes | c) Do you support the right to concealed carry in Utah? | ||
| No | a) Should the state government increase funding for treatment facilities to combat opioid abuse? | ||
| No | b) Do you support a government-run (e.g. single-payer) healthcare program such as Medicare-for-All? | ||
| Yes | c) Should an individual have the right to choose to die (e.g. those with a terminal illness) through euthanasia? | ||
| No | d) Do you support mandating vaccinations (e.g. for school or employment)? | ||
| No | e) Do you support expanding paid family AND/OR medical leave benefits (e.g. maternity leave)? | ||
| No | f) Should the government be able to regulate the cost of prescription drugs? | ||
| As a Libertarian, I "favor a free market health care system. Medical facilities, medical providers, and medical products (including drugs) must be freely available in the marketplace without government restrictions or licenses. [I] recognize the freedom of individuals to determine the level of health insurance they want (if any), the level of health care they want, the care providers they want, the medicines and treatments they will use and all other aspects of their medical care, including end-of-life decisions. People should be free to purchase health insurance across state lines. [I] oppose governments either mandating, or restricting voluntary access to, medical treatments or procedures including vaccines." Because business mandates are often favored by large multinational corporations to disadvantage small businesses, paid family and medical leave should be negotiated on the labor market rather than dictated by the government, and unions can help workers better advocate their interests to management. The government should not grant anti-consumer intellectual property protection to the manufacturers of controlled substances. A "Consumer Reports" or "Underwriters Laboratories" model of evaluating health care service providers, which evaluators are independently-audited -- and which independent auditors are themselves independently audited -- can facilitate a better health care market for consumers and providers alike than industry-captured regulatory agencies. | |||
| No | a) Do you support inclusion of sexual orientation in Utah's anti-discrimination laws? | ||
| No | b) Do you support the inclusion of gender identity in Utah's anti-discrimination laws? | ||
| No | c) Do you support greater efforts by Utah's state government in closing gender, racial, and other wage gaps? | ||
| No | d) Do you support the prohibition of transgender individuals from using bathrooms that do not correspond to their sex assigned at birth? | ||
| As long as the state of Utah has anti-discrimination laws, then those laws should be applied inclusively and equitably. That said, laws banning discrimination are immoral if they prevent individuals from choosing with whom to associate and/or contract, and I oppose such laws. However, because the state is a monopoly government, I do not object to the application of anti-discrimination laws to the state and its political subdivisions, which are currently structured to protect and preserve patriarchal power and privilege. Until more of our fellow citizens effectively "underthrow" incumbent institutions by walking away from them in sufficient numbers, diversity, equity, and inclusion initiatives may be an appropriate remedy to legacy discriminatory practices. I support the right of an entity housing a public accommodation to determine how those accommodations may be used by members of the public. Prohibiting transgender individuals from using bathrooms that do not correspond to their sex assigned at birth violates the rights of property owners with on-premises public accommodations who do not want to have such prohibitions. Those who prefer the public accommodations they use to be a certain way will patronize establishments with such accommodations accordingly. Getting government out of the public accommodations business will lessen the matter as a political issue, although the incremental revolution toward that state of affairs will take some time. Some European countries have largely "single-stall" facilities rather than the shared accommodations familiar to most Utahns. One would anticipate that consumer preferences will gravitate to the single-stall design over time. | |||
| According to the 2024 Utah Priorities Project survey, "politicians [not] listening to voters," "partisan politics," "government overreach," and "housing affordability" rate high among the listed concerns, and are intertwined. If the voters of Utah put me to work as the next Governor of the state of Utah, I will support the following budget-reducing measures to address Utahns' top concerns: *(Housing affordability) The Libertas Institute-championed "Free to Build" initiative could increase Utah's housing stock by eliminating state/local government barriers -- such as minimum lot sizes -- to truly attainable housing, like cottage court homes. SB 240 passed in 2023 by the Utah Legislature, which authorizes taxpayer-funded $20,000 down payments for new home purchases, should be repealed. This ?developer corporate welfare? artificially props up housing prices under the pretext of improving housing affordability. *(Government overreach) Family integrity by dismantling the Division of Child and Family *Separation,* passing a "Family Miranda" law, repealing Utah's "mandatory reporter" law, and educating Utahns about Utah Code section 80-3-201 to protect children at risk without having to wait for DCFS to act. Exiting from duopolistic tyranny can be achieved through a multi-pronged approach: 1) "underthrow" the incumbent regime by cultivating intentional communities and mutual aid societies, using censorship-resistant communication protocols, such as Nostr, and 2) promote jury nullification to acquit those effectuating pre-emptive self-defense against those who aggress, deceive, and provoke on behalf of the incumbent political class. Under current legal precedents, law enforcement agencies and officers cannot be held responsible for failing to protect us. One of the incumbent party's presidential candidates -- endorsed by the state of Utah's incumbent governor -- has proposed granting law enforcement officers immunity from prosecution, and the National Fraternal Order of Police has endorsed this candidate. As "Shielded: How the Police Became Untouchable" author Joanna Swartz notes, because of the qualified immunity doctrine, it is already exceedingly difficult to hold law enforcement officers accountable for misconduct. In contrast, private security is a growing economic sector. The for-profit Detroit Threat Management Centers offer one example of how private firms can complement, and perhaps ultimately replace, legacy police agencies. We need to explore the use of innovative barrier methods ? and borders are just socialized barriers subject to shortages and rationing ? to facilitate the right of property owners and users to impose access restrictions to the private spaces in which we live, work, and play, and shrink the footprint of common areas where such the imposition of such access restrictions on those who threaten us with harm is constitutionally problematic. *(Politicians not listening to voters, partisan politics) Election integrity through: 1) increasing transparency using end-to-end auditable voting and hand-counts paired with machine-counts, 2) advocating use of the proportional ranked choice voting electoral method to populate policy-making boards with more ideologically-diverse assemblies of responsive community members, and 3) piloting democratic lotteries ("sortition") in local governments to curb excess influence wielded by entrenched aggressors with dark triad personality traits (see Brian Klaas's book, "Corruptible: Who Gets Power and How It Changes Us"). |
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